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Dr
James Gomez recently made a presentation at the 18 Biennial
Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia. Dr
Gomez’s presentation was titled, “Social Media and Opposition
Parties: Networking for Singapore’s General Elections.” You can
view the presentation here.
Dr Gomez, who contested the last General Elections in Singapore
in 2006 under the Workers’ Party’s banner, is currently Deputy
Associate Dean (International) and Head of Public Relations at
Monash
University.
The Online Citizen caught up with Dr Gomez and asked his views
on the political scene in Singapore, in particular his take on the
state of the opposition parties here.
TOC : Do you feel the opposition is
more fragmented now or at least just as fragmented as say 20 years
ago?
James Gomez (JG): The opposition has always
been a collection of small groups around key individuals. Current
configurations in the opposition landscape are no different. This
is neither negative nor disadvantageous for the opposition movement
in Singapore. In fact it allows more people to come onboard and be
politically socialized into the opposition movement. It is
important to take note that in one-party dominated electoral system
this is the state of the opposition and such a situation is not
unique to Singapore. Often, opposition parties eventually gain an
upper hand when they work as a coalition to defeat the ruling
regime.
TOC : Opposition parties have been saying that they will
“work together”. But nothing concrete has been seen so far. Why do
you think this is so?
JG: The opposition as movement has always
worked together and there are numerous back door contacts among
different individuals in the opposition. If you are talking about
some kind of formal alliance, this will only occur when it is
politically useful for the opposition, when there is public
pressure and when the ruling party is on the verge of electoral
defeat. Even then, it is the nature of politics that such alliances
remain dynamic and in a state of constant flux.
TOC : Do you feel that the current
leaders in opposition parties have too much baggage – of distrust
and/or even personal dislikes of each other to be able to offer
Singaporeans a true alternative? For example, Chiam sued the SDP;
Low made some remarks which were interpreted as denigrating the
SDP, in particular Dr Chee; Chia Ti Lik who is now one of the
founders of the new Socialist Front had a falling out with Low’s
WP; Goh Meng Seng, now sec gen of NSP, also left the WP; the recent
saga between Kenneth Jeyaretnam’s Reform Party and Chiam’s SDA;
Kenneth’s father; the unhappiness within the SDA – such as the PKMS
fighting (literally!) among themselves, etc.
JG: You mention people that I know in the
opposition movement hence it will be impolite for me to refer to
any one individual or incident. But what I can say is that current
leaders in the opposition are informed by their past experiences
and these guide how they want to engage the PAP in the political
landscape. Again, without public pressure or clear electoral
gain, opposition parties will not work together on their own accord
to form a broad based alternative.
TOC : What would you like to see in
terms of opposition youth wings, the next generation of leaders?
How different do you think they are from their current leaders? Are
they too much conformists? Is there an individual or individuals
who stand out among the opposition youths for you?
JG: I would like to see opposition youth wing
members to be more politically independent. Most members of
the youth wing to a large extent hold political values espoused by
their party leaders. In that sense I don’t see them being very
different from their current leaders. Political parties being
political parties usually don’t let strong leaders within the youth
wing movement to emerge. This is to prevent the youth wing to be
used as a base to challenge party leadership. Hence, youth wings of
opposition parties are very much under the thumb. Where there are
one or two key individuals these will be absorbed into the main
party leadership.
TOC : What is your opinion of the new
parties – Reform Party (which is 2 years old) and the two new ones:
United Singapore Democrats and The Socialist Front?
JG: Opinions of new parties are usually formed
after their showing in their first elections. So let us leave it as
that for the moment. But some self-promotion by such parties in the
run up to their first elections is to be logically expected.
TOC : Does the presence of these 3 new
parties offer Singaporeans more genuine choices or are they more or
less the same in terms of political philosophies and these parties
are nothing more than perhaps an ego trip for their
founders?
JG: Forming a party and being responsible for
its upkeep is a financially and emotionally draining undertaking.
So I would say that it is more than an ego trip. More parties mean
more people, resources and ultimately more choices for
Singaporeans. Because we have not reached saturation point for
opposition participation in elections there is still room for more
growth. Once all seats are contested by the opposition in
elections, the laws of natural selection will determine the growth
curve for the opposition movement.
TOC : The PAP has spent quite an amount of effort in
trying to establishing an online presence, compared to the
opposition (except perhaps the SDP). Why do you think the
opposition is so slow in catching on, and do you see this as the
opposition relinquishing online territory to the PAP (given that so
far online commentators have been pro-opposition); or do you see
the opposition parties as unsure about new media as the
PAP?
JG: What the PAP, opposition and commentators
often fail to understand is the internet is a niche medium. For the
opposition the value of the internet lies in its ability to manage
its reputation among its key networks and supporters. Platforms
such as Facebook are currently being exploited by the opposition at
the moment precisely for this end – ie recruiting key party
workers. But the challenge is still in offline politics, in
particular how best to mobilize online political capital for
offline political impact. Here the opposition parties clearly have
the advantage.
TOC : Has the opposition grown in any
substantial way in the last 20 or 30 years? If yes, what gave rise
to it? If no, what do you think is the cause?
JG: Yes it has and it also has seen move
turnover. More people have come onboard, they are willing to
publicly identify with the opposition movement, provide resources
to the cause and eventually move on. I attribute this partly to the
internet and alternative political content that has helped more
people socialize into opposition politics.
TOC : Do you think the opposition
parties are in touch with what worry or what concern Singaporeans,
such as job security or employment? There seems to be very little
grassroots or on-the-ground interaction by the parties with
ordinary Singaporeans – besides the parties selling their party
newspapers on a weekly basis and perhaps, like the WP, some
door-to-door activities?
JG: Yes they are, but whether they are clearly
communicating it to the voters, that is a different matter.
What I would say is needed is more strategic communication and
dialogue with the voters. Opposition parties need to go beyond
selling party newspapers and door-to-door visits to talk about
issues. I am well aware of the various laws that prevent opposition
parties from doing just that. However more pressure is needed on
this front to free up the communicative space.
TOC : What do you think is the one
issue which will be the focus in the next elections?
JG: It will be the foreign worker issue but it
will depend on who has the “balls” to bring it up. When this
happens the PAP will go into negative campaigning of the
party/candidates and distract voters from this campaign message.
Ultimately voters have to decide which party will effectively
represent them in parliament without fear or favour.
TOC : What would be your advice to the
opposition, as far as the next elections are
concerned?
JG: Knowing the opposition they will probably
not take any advice as most will be convinced of their own
political principles and strategy. If I say they don’t take advice,
they will challenge it to say they do take advice. The only way you
can really make the opposition movement listen is through public
pressure.