http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2009/8/22/focus/4567745&sec=focus
The Star Online, 22 Aug 2009, Seah Chiang
Nee
PAP pondering how best to fight to
stay in power
The Government appears to be telling
young Singaporeans that if they want debate, the government will
give it to them and if the youngsters want parliamentary democracy,
they can have it too – but not necessarily through elections or a
two-party system.
POLITICS is one of the things that have changed least in Singapore.
Over a quarter of a century, the economy has been restructured, the
demography has changed; new people have come and old trends have
gone – pretty much of everything else, except perhaps
politics.
It seems to have remained relatively as it had been. For many
elderly conservatives, that may not be a bad thing, since it also
means stability and continuity.
But faced with an uncertain world and a demanding new generation,
the People’s Action Party (PAP) could be heading for a tougher time
winning elections in future.
As its founding leader, Minister
Mentor Lee Kuan Yew once painted it: The next two elections should
be no problem, but after that, anything
goes.
Now with the economic crisis affecting more families, the PAP has
obviously been pondering how best to fight in order to stay in
power.
It’s a tough act as it strives to achieve a balance between rising
– and contrasting – demands from various segments of society, from
educated youths and disgruntled workers to poorer
Singaporeans.
For 50 years, the PAP has been winning elections to stand as one of
the world’s few undefeated political parties, but with the help
that power and incumbency has bestowed upon it.
So what is its strategy to
stay relevant? Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong apparently wants to
change the Constitution to have a Parliament with two
components.
The first is the normal 84
elected legislators who debate and pass laws and the second, a less
significant, non-elected segment with watered-down rights to
improve debate. This second force of 18 will comprise nine
nominated MPs, chosen from a cross-section of non-partisan
Singaporeans and up to nine non-constituency MPs (NCMPs) from the
opposition camp. As an example, if the next
election were to throw up only two opposition winners, then the
best seven losers will qualify as NCMPs.
In recent weeks, the
pro-government press has been playing up the role of nominated MPs
as well as the desirability of appointed Cabinet
ministers.
All these have one thing
in common. They downplay the importance of opposition parties in
Parliament or in Singapore’s political
system.
PAP party member Xu Kaixian wrote in Petir, the PAP organ, that
democracy does not necessarily need the presence of
opposition.
“Currently, any deviation from Western-style democracy is denounced
as authoritarian. But should that be the case?” the writer
asked.
“Wouldn’t it be better if each country practised a democracy which
best suits its situation? Is there really a need for democracy in
Singapore to mirror the West’s?”
Adding to this is a suggestion by PAP backbencher Hri Kumar Nair
that Singapore consider appointing Cabinet ministers who are not
MPs or may not even be members of the ruling party.
The Government appears to
be telling young Singaporeans: You want debate, we’ll give it to
you; you want Parliamentary democracy, you can have it too – but
not necessarily through elections or a two-party
system.
It apparently thinks it
can satisfy their aspirations for greater debate and opposition in
Parliament – without the PAP losing any
seats.
Lee Kuan Yew has always been wary
about the potential dangers of one-man-one-vote
system. Last year he warned that “a freak election”
could wipe out Singapore’s success. This could happen if voters
became bored and decided to give the vociferous opposition a chance
out of ‘light-heartedness, fickleness or sheer madness’.
“In five years, you can ruin this place and it’s very difficult to
pick up the pieces,” he said.
Last November, his PM son said
that a “two-party model cannot work” in Singapore, and it is “much
better off with one dominant party”.
Since then he has stepped back a little by saying that
“Singaporeans want national issues to be fully debated.. (so we
should) improve our political system to encourage a wider range of
views in Parliament, including opposition and non-government
views”.
Lee’s measures have generally been well received as a positive
development.
Critics, however, call it a sham
reform that tries to manufacture a fake opposition, instead of
freeing the environment to allow it to grow.
“It is an attempt to tell Singaporeans that they could safely vote
for the government without being deprived of an opposition voice,”
an opposition member said.
“The nature of Parliament should not be changed. It is after all a
legislative body of representatives that should be freely elected
by the people, not appointed, nor nominated,” he added.
PM Lee is facing an increasing
call from young Singaporeans for freer politics and lesser
government controls. This was reflected in a speech
by newly nominated MP Viswa Sadasivan, appealing for the government
to “let us take a chance on our people, on ourselves.”
He said: “In my view, it is the duty of a responsible government to
help evolve a political climate that encourages greater interest
and participation from the people.
“If not, people are likely to feel increasingly alienated and
disenfranchised resulting in apathy and, worse, cynicism. I fear
this is already happening.”
Balanced against this is the other point of view expressed by
Lee Kuan Yew in 2006:
“Please don’t assume that you can change
governments. Young people don’t understand
this.”
On another occasion, Lee said: “Without the
elected President and if there is a freak (election) result, within
two or three years, the army would have to come in and stop
it.” So far none of the younger political
leaders has repeated this warning.
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