An opening in cyberspace
closes
By Shawn W Crispin
BANGKOK - When a state-linked Cambodian Internet service provider
(ISP) blocked access this month to a critical non-governmental
organization report detailing the government's alleged
mismanagement of natural and energy resources, the censorship
closed the loop on the region's fast-closing cyberspace.
The Cambodian government has prioritized improving its Internet
controls and legislation, despite the fact less than 0.3% of the
population is online, one of the lowest Internet penetration rates
in the world. The recent bust of an alleged terror plot against the
government revealed that authorities had capability to hack into
suspects' - and perhaps perceived other adversaries' - e-mail
accounts.
It wasn't long ago that Asia's Internet was being heralded as an
inexorable force for democratic change across the predominantly
authoritarian-run region. Rising Internet penetration rates and the
proliferation of websites that provided alternative news and
critical views, particularly in countries where the state had long
dominated information flows, marked substantial democratic
gains.
Across the world,
governments are now bidding to claw back those gains and assert
tighter control over the Internet through improved surveillance and
censorship capabilities. Meanwhile, new laws are
granting state authorities in many countries new powers to block
and censor online content, often in the arbitrary name of
maintaining social order or national
security.
The battle for Internet freedom is particularly pitched in
Southeast Asia, where even nominally democratic governments are now
cracking down on journalists,
bloggers and ordinary Internet
users. China has emerged as the region's Internet
censorship role model, with its successful use of sophisticated
filtering and surveillance technologies, widely known as Beijing's
"Great Firewall".
Those capabilities have been widened through a new government-run
computer monitoring information system, known as the "Golden Shield
Project". Of the 28 journalists now imprisoned in China, as tallied
by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), 24 of
them were charged and sentenced for articles and commentaries they
posted online.
In its recently released "Attacks on the Press" compendium, CPJ
contends that a growing number of Southeast Asian governments have
moved to emulate China's cyber-censorship techniques. The advocacy
group argues that as Western nations have moved to engage China's
authoritarian regime, several Southeast Asian governments no longer
feel obliged to follow through on the democratic reforms -
including commitments to Internet freedom - the West had once
pressured them to adopt.
Those pressures are expected to diminish further as the US looks
towards China to help bail-out its bankrupt financial and banking
systems through the continued purchase of US treasury bonds. The
US's collapsing demand for regional exports and flagging outward
investments is expected to eventually translate into reduced
diplomatic clout in Southeast Asia, a retrenchment that will likely
enhance China's already rising regional influence.
Long-time US ally Thailand stands as a case in point. The Thai
government has launched one of the most aggressive crackdowns on
Internet freedom seen anywhere in the world - so far without a peep
of dissent from Bangkok's US embassy. The crackdown was presaged by
the passage of the 2007 Computer Crime Act, which among other
measures made the use of proxy
servers to circumvent government blocks on
websites an offense punishable by imprisonment.
The Information Technology and Communication Ministry has since
earmarked millions of dollars to develop and deploy improved
firewall technologies and the ministry now maintains an Internet
"war room" where officials conduct surveillance over Internet
content. The ministry said in early January that it had closed down
2,300 websites for posting materials deemed critical of the Thai
royal family.
The Justice Ministry has since indicated it will seek a court order
to block another 3,000 to 4,000 sites for the same reason. At least
one Thai Internet user is currently in prison for posting materials
deemed offensive to the royal crown, and two bloggers were
temporarily detained but not formally charged on similar charges in
2007.
Cyber-backslider
Nominally democratic Malaysia is another prominent backslider. The
government pledged in 1996 not to censor the Internet to lure
foreign funds to the Multimedia Super Corridor project, an
ambitious state gambit that aimed to incubate Malaysia's own
version of the US's Silicon Valley. The no-censorship policy
allowed online news providers and bloggers to report and comment on
news that the state-controlled mainstream media either neglected or
was instructed from above to ignore.
That commitment was symbolically dropped last year when the
government ordered local ISPs to block access to prominent blogger
Raja Petra Kamarudin's Malaysia Today news site, which has a larger
readership than several established state-influenced newspapers. He
has been charged and detained under both the Sedition and Internal
Security Acts for online writings which were critical of the
government.
According to the CPJ, it's still unclear whether Malaysian
authorities have deployed the same type of filtering and monitoring
technologies seen in China, but the government is known to
monitor Internet content through three different
state agencies, including the Prime Minister's Office. According to
e-mail correspondence shared with this correspondent, Raja Petra,
now temporarily released on Internal Security Act charges, is under
family pressure to flee the country rather than stand trial in
Malaysia's politically compromised courts.
The situation is worsening in less democratic countries. Vietnam,
known to maintain some of Asia's most extensive Internet controls
outside of China, has in recent months moved to introduce more
stringent regulations governing bloggers and their postings.
Singapore
authorities recently harassed an Asia Times Online contributor for
a November story that detailed the island state's mounting
financial troubles.
Police claimed
that the article had been sent with added malicious comments to the
head of state, opposition politicians and newspapers from the
reporter's e-mail account. The reporter denied the charge and
police officials later indicated that an unidentified hacker had
sent the message from her account. Either way, the reporter has
been put on official notice that her online writings and e-mail
activities are under surveillance.
Meanwhile, countries as repressive as Myanmar are dedicating
significant resources to Internet censorship. The country's
technological failure to control the Internet was apparent for all
to see when undercover journalists sent footage and reports of the
2007 Saffron Revolution street protests to outside news
organizations, forcing the regime to unplug the Internet altogether
before its fatal, final crackdown. Still, it's unclear how many
undercover journalists the authorities have been identified and
jailed as part of their wider crackdown on dissent.
There are indications that Myanmar authorities have since received
censorship training from Russian and Chinese officials. Some
contend that this explains the mysterious distributed denial of
service (DDoS) attacks on a number of exile media groups' websites
last year. Soe Myint, editor of the New Delhi-based Mizzima News,
said during a recent presentation in Chiang Mai that the cost to
effectively protect his website from future DDoS attacks is beyond
his news organization's financial means.
Despite these growing attacks, there is some cause for hope. Human
rights organizations, investors and several prominent US Internet
companies, including Yahoo!, Google and Microsoft, agreed in a
joint initiative last October to follow guidelines to protect
online expression and privacy when faced with repressive government
requests for
user
identities or assistance in blocking targeted
websites.
Meanwhile, some regional media groups have received foreign
assistance to locate their servers anonymously and remotely in
second countries to guard against future DDoS attacks. And
ever-evolving proxy server and other roundabout firewall
technologies continue to put Internet users in countries as
isolated as Myanmar a step ahead of government censors.
Yet even with those agreements and technologies, Asia's Internet is
a substantially more dangerous space than it was previously.
Southeast Asian
governments are now responding with bigger budgets and heavier
hands to the technological and political challenge presented by
online expression. Under that mounting assault, previous high hopes
for the medium's democracy-promoting potential have in large
measure faded.
Shawn W Crispin is Asia Times Online's
Southeast Asia Editor and Asia Program Consultant to the Committee
to Protect Journalists. He may be reached at
[email protected]
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/