http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123086106688148103.html?mod=googlenews_wsj
"You'd have to be an idiot to trust the North Koreans,"
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said recently. Apparently
unaware of the irony, she then predicted eventual success for the
six-party talks on the North's nuclear weapons program.
President-elect Barack Obama has promised major changes in U.S.
diplomacy and repeatedly criticized the Bush administration on both
substance and style. Mr. Obama has pledged more negotiation and
multilateralism -- less saber-rattling and "take it or leave it"
unilateralism. While Iraq was Mr. Obama's focal point in the
campaign, the biggest problem ahead is countering the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction.
But on proliferation, what is striking are the similarities
between Mr. Obama and President George W. Bush's second term. Given
Mr. Bush's recent record, continuity between the two presidencies
is hardly reassuring. And where Mr. Obama differs with Mr. Bush, he
is only more accommodating to the intractable rogues running
Pyongyang and Tehran. This is decidedly bad news.
The recent, embarrassing collapse of the six-party talks starkly
underlines how, under Mr. Obama, everything old will be new again.
The talks are classic multilateral diplomacy, pursued since 2003
with notable deference to North Korea. There's been about as much
engagement with Pyongyang as consenting adults can lawfully
have.
The outcome of this Obama-style diplomacy was the same as all
prior negotiations with the leaders of the world's largest prison
camp. North Korea charged even for the privilege of sitting at the
negotiating table, extracted concession after concession, endlessly
renegotiated points that had been resolved, and ultimately
delivered nothing of consequence in return.
When pressed, North Korea would bluster and threaten to rain
destruction on South Korea. "Experts" on North Korea would observe
that this was just its style, nothing to worry about. Thus did the
Bush administration enable the North's bullying behavior by
proclaiming even greater willingness to offer further carrots.
Most recently in Beijing, Pyongyang refused to put in writing
what U.S. negotiators say it committed to verbally -- namely,
verifying its commitment to abandon its nuclear program. But even
taking U.S. negotiators at their word, this did not constitute real
verification. The charade of verification was only one more ploy to
squeeze out U.S. concessions, which Mr. Bush's negotiators seemed
prepared to give.
On Iran, also for over five years, Mr. Bush has endorsed
vigorous European diplomacy. The Europeans offered every imaginable
carrot to persuade Iran to drop its nuclear program in exchange for
a different relationship with Europe and America. This produced no
change in Iran's strategic objective of acquiring deliverable
nuclear weapons. The only real consequence is that Iran is five
years closer to achieving that objective. It now has indigenous
mastery over the entire nuclear fuel cycle.
The Obama alternative? "Present the Iranian regime with a clear
choice" by using carrots and sticks to induce Iran to give up its
nuclear aspirations. What does Mr. Obama think Mr. Bush and the
Europeans have been doing? Does he really think his smooth talking
will achieve more than Europe's smoothest talkers, who were in fact
talking for us the whole time?
While Mr. Obama has uttered only generalities on North Korea,
his Iran policy will be worse than Mr. Bush's. He acts as though
the years of failed efforts to dissuade Iran from going nuclear
simply didn't happen. That is blindness, not continuity. And that's
without Mr. Obama's pledge to meet personally with Iran's leaders,
an incredible act of legitimization he seems willing to give away
for nothing.
Neither North Korea nor Iran is prepared to voluntarily give up
nuclear or ballistic missile programs. The Bush policy was flawed
not because its diplomacy was ineffective or disengaged, not
because it was too intimidating to its adversaries, and not because
it lacked persistence. Mr. Bush's flaw was believing that
negotiation and mutual concession could accomplish the U.S.
objective -- the end of proliferation threats from Pyongyang and
Tehran -- when the objectives of our adversaries were precisely the
opposite. They sought to buy valuable time to improve and expand
their nuclear programs, extract as many carrots as possible, and
play for legitimacy on the world stage.
Iran and North Korea achieved their objectives through
diplomacy. Mr. Bush failed to achieve his. How can Mr. Obama do
better? For starters, he could increase the pressure on China,
which has real leverage over North Korea, to press Kim Jong Il's
regime in ways that the six-party talks never approached. Options
on Iran are more limited, but meaningful efforts at regime change
and assisting Israel should it decide to strike Iran's nuclear
facilities would be good first steps.
Sadly, the chances Mr. Obama will adopt these policies are far
less than the steadily dwindling possibility that the Bush
administration might yet come back to reality. Mr. Obama's handling
of the rogue states will -- at best -- continue the Bush policies,
which failed to stop nuclear proliferation. Get ready for a
dangerous ride.
Mr. Bolton, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise
Institute, is the author of "Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending
America at the United Nations" (Simon & Schuster,
2007).