Singapore's
New Culture
Emerging: A sub-community of cynical, restive youths who engage
each other and paying scant interest in what the government says.
By Seah Chiang Nee.
Sep 27, 2008
YEARS
of top-down government has produced a sub-culture among people who
interact mostly with each other and pay little interest to what the
government says.
It
is part of Singapore’s new diverse world, but to the ruling party,
which is used to getting things its way, they are like the
proverbial lost flock that has wandered afield.
The
sub-community, however, doesn’t see itself as society’s outsider,
but as part of a new force working with the Internet for social and
political change.
It
is relatively small, but its influence extends far beyond its
numbers, and it is expanding.
Concerned
political leaders have been striving — without much success — to
bring them back to the mainstream by gradually relaxing controls on
social life and public expression.
These
young Singaporeans — restive, sophisticated and cynical — feel
disenchanted about the current political system and of being left
out of nation-building decisions.
“They
feel they don’t have a say; the press has no space for them, and
the government often talks down to them, so they work with the only
channel available to them — the Internet — and among each other,”
explained a media consultant.
This
sub-community meets on the Net, paying little attention to the
government’s exhortations.
And
as more unpopular policies come into force, their postings attract
more people into their fold.
However,
it lacks the power to change the system since it doesn’t reach the
non-English speaking heartland masses.
The
success of the digital activists lies in their ability to draw in —
albeit slowly — apathetic professionals and students, who now begin
to talk the same language.
Over
time, they have switched off on government statements, and don’t
care much about Cabinet changes and Parliament proceedings — unless
these impact on their personal lives.
Many
don’t know the names of their constituency Members of Parliament or
even Cabinet ministers. Instead, they hanker after the unreported
news about opposition figures and activities.
Singapore
is beginning to look like two distinct communities.
One
is the large mainstream, which relies on the government and the
traditional media to provide them the news and direction, and a
small virtual sub-group of unhappy Singaporeans who get their
information through interaction with each other.
The
perception that Singapore’s newspapers are too controlled to be
credible may have driven more young Singaporeans towards the
Web.
Other
democratic countries, too, are experiencing this division but less
severely than here because of the perception that there is too much
“government propaganda” in the Singapore media.
Unlike
governments that crack down on Internet dissidents or close down
websites, the PAP government is — as it usually does — adopting a
middle line.
It’s
a policy of joining what one cannot beat.
Prime
Minister Lee Hsien Loong recently took steps to “give Singaporeans
space to let off steam”, including lifting a ban on public
demonstrations.
“Our
old rules are way, way out of date. It means we have to change to
new rules, liberalise to allow people to participate more actively
and flexibly,” Lee said.
Speakers
Corner at Hong Lim Park, an ineffective critics’ area for
speech-making (loudspeakers not allowed), could now be used to hold
protests. Only race and religion are forbidden.
Since
Sept 1, it has been the scene of half a dozen small and well
managed protests, including one organised by Singapore’s known
bloggers.
Participants
need not apply for a permit from the police, only from the National
Parks Board, to indicate its non-controlled nature.
The
Prime Minister also lifted some restrictions on political dissent
in cyberspace.
Several
banned political films have been released; in future such films
will not be automatically banned but subject to general censorship,
where the criteria are easier.
In
addition, a ban on political blogging during the nine-day election
campaign period has been lifted.
These
signal the ruling People’s Action Party’s intention to move into
multimedia — including use of weblogs, podcasts and vodcasts — to
fight its battles and, if possible, to win back some of the
disenchanted Netizens.
The
survival of the PAP, which has ruled Singapore since independence
43 years ago, depends on its winning the hearts and minds of the
post-65 tech-savvy generation, which can’t be done with arrests and
censorship.
Singapore’s
renowned author Catherine Lim appears doubtful it will truly open
up the country.
“Such
a unique development, as close to a political renaissance as is
possible in Singapore, should have elicited no less a response than
jubilation from the people,” she commented.
“But
so far, oddly, there is none. So far, there is no enthusiastic
welcoming of the winds of change, no eager looking forward to a new
political future.”
Penang-born
Lim sees it as a shrewd balancing act, both to reassure the people
and to warn off the critics who stray beyond the boundaries
set.
Her
views find ready support in blogosphere. The SS wrote: “This
‘lightening up’ is nothing more than throwing scraps to the
citizenry to nibble upon.
“They
will not change their model of governance, if at all, at least
until after the grand old man (Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew) is
gone.”
wayangparty
said: “The PAP is definitely smarter. Instead of arresting bloggers
under the Internal Security Act, it plants moles in cyberspace to
have a voice there.”
The
general consensus: It’s a positive move but it doesn’t signify any
change in the PAP mindset, which can only come after Lee Senior has
made his exit.
That
could mean Singapore’s sub-community of young dissenters will
remain - and grow.
so that means we belong to the sub community.
