Extract taken
from[url=http://jaundicedlenses.blogspot.com/2005/04/letter-to-tony-blair.html]
a letter to Tony Blair[url] some years back.
That the CPF scheme has been 'successful' here so far is
entirely because of several reasons which militates against your
implementing it in Britain. What are they?
Firstly, it is a 'good' scheme only if you've no other scheme to
begin with. If you already have a comprehensive National Health
Service and Unemployment Benefits, replacing these with a "Pay
Everything Yourself' Compulsory Saving Scheme like the CPF is a
retrograde step. And one that the Conservatives will have a field
day picking out the drawbacks.
This CPF 'Pay Everything Yourself' scheme pre-supposes one critical
condition -- that there will be full employment to start with and
full employment in the next 10-15 years of implementation. If you
cannot achieve that, you cannot adopt the CPF scheme. This is
because the scheme is based on forced contributions from salary.
Meaning that if you've no salary, you drop out of the scheme and
its intended benefits. With your unemployment rate hovering about
6%?, this means that 6% of your labour force or several millions
will be unable to contribute any forced savings.
It will also fail if you ever have a prolonged recession that
throws millions out of work. That it hasn't happened yet in
Singapore does not mean it never will. Also, creeping or
recession-inflicted 'sudden' unemployment will hit our CPF scheme
less than it will hit you. The reason is, most households in
Singapore are double-income. Both husband and wife work,
contributing to their CPF which pay for their house, while maids or
grandparents look after the children. When one is out of work, the
other can continue the house instalments.
Then, too, the Scheme has been around for decades, so most
Contributors have enough savings. If you're just starting out, at a
few percent, you do not enjoy this luxury. There is also the
question of social justice. Every civilised society has tried to
tax from the rich to give to the poor, the basis of your Robin Hood
legend. The CPF scheme is the opposite, 'every man for himself', in
that you look after yourself because nobody will. What kind of
statement about a society's values this says, will be interesting
comment from your philosophers.
There is another insidious effect of the CPF. By forcing so many
percent of the peoples' salaries into the CPF, then allowing their
CPF money for housing, people tend to buy better housing than they
can actually afford if they have to pay in cash. This may be good
for property developers and the Government housing authority but it
means that CPF distorts spending. People, knowing they cannot touch
their money until the age of 55, use much of their CPF money for
housing while using their cash savings for cars. There is also the
'pyramid' effect. As long as there is full employment, as long as
people contribute to their CPF, everything is fine. But once there
is unemployment, the 'pyramid' collapses.
Anecdotal evidence: My father's tiny 2-bedroomed flat cost just
$7,800 in 1969. He sold it in 1995, 26 years later, for $100,000.
My present 3-bedroomed flat cost $89,000 in 1985. Today, 12 years
later, it is worth $450,000. This, despite the official inflation
figure of about 3% a year. Thus, the CPF scheme leads to two
effects. One, people buy bigger houses, thereby spiralling up
property prices. Two, they spend all their spare cash on the other
desirable, a car. This is why car ownership here is the costliest
in the world and leads the Government to impose bigger and bigger
car taxes, to no avail.
Thus, the net effect of the CPF is that money is diverted into
housing and cars, leaving the retail, insurance and other sectors
poorer and less dynamic than they could be. If you have a developed
insurance industry, for instance, it will weaken because the CPF
will force contributions into health care and retirement savings,
reducing the need for private insurance. Your retail sector will
also suffer because CPF will reduce discretionary spending
there.
How does the CPF scheme really work in practice as against
theory?
Firstly, everyone must work. If you've no salary, you don't have
CPF contributions to make. Since the contributions are compulsory
and their use controlled, it is as if you pass legislation on how a
large part of every worker's take-home salary and savings may be
spent i.e. a certain part on housing, others on health insurance
and even some on certain 'approved' shares. I think you have many
economists who will tell you that 'forced and controlled'
expenditure is bad.
Then again, unemployment must be measured not only in percentage
terms but also in absolute terms. Remember that Singapore's total
labour force is only 1.6 million people. Your unemployed alone is
several times that. This means that you have several millions who
will not contribute to CPF and hence cannot enjoy its benefits.
This several millions will not only have no salary to live on but
cannot pay for housing or medicine. This can be a huge social
problem that your present system addresses well enough.
Also, if they have a job then lose it, the blow will be harder
because they will not only have no CPF but also no cash to pay in
lieu, a Double Jeopardy situation. Your present Unemployment
Benefits are a lot more humane in that it allows that unemployment
is not necessarily the fault of the person unemployed, which is the
underlying basis of the Singapore system and explains why the
Social Welfare pittance for the destitute person is set,
punitively, at just $180 a month -- if you can qualify under the
harsh conditions.
(Just as the notoriously severe laws on everything from spitting to
drug use is indicative of the Paragons of Virtues' inability to
understand anyone different from themselves, which has led to their
pitiful attempts to legislate human behaviour into unthinking,
robotic versions of what they imagine human beings should
be).
This letter must come to an end eventually and this is as good a
place as any. So, to conclude, I hope you will analyse the CPF
scheme and the social and political context in which it can be
successful and not just be swayed by the PAP's bragging. But before
I end this missive, a disclaimer. This letter is born not out of
research or the grapevine of privileged connections. It is entirely
the result of what has been reported in the papers but interpreted
between the lines, through a jaundiced eye, if you will. In the
future, some academic will produce a scholarly tome on the evils of
the Lee system and it will be a damning indictment of the PAP.
Until then, this letter must serve as a mere introduction.