if indonesia can make such progress i don't know some
singaporeans are still fighting over race and language
supremacy:
Indonesias Chinese
A golden era
Theyre emerging from years of discrimination and violence.
IHT.
Dec 15, 2006
By Thomas Fuller
Jakarta - It wasn't so long ago that Chinese writing was banned
from public places here and Chinese schools and newspapers were
prohibited.
But walk into the former office of Suharto, the retired Indonesian
strongman who maintained these laws in an attempt to integrate the
ethnic Chinese community, and a large decorative poster of Chinese
characters greets visitors.
"In the old days I would have been arrested for this," Dino Patti
Djalal, an adviser to the government and now the occupant of
Suharto's office, said as he glanced back at his poster.
Djalal, who is not Chinese, added: "This shows the progression of
Indonesia. We now take multi-culturalism as a given in life."
After centuries of segregation, periodic violence and tension over
their higher levels of wealth, Indonesia's Chinese community, which
makes up 1 to 2 percent of the population of 245 million, is now
enjoying what many are calling a golden era.
"The situation of the Chinese has never been as good as today,"
said Benny Setiono, head of the Chinese Indonesian Association, a
nonprofit group that represents the community. "We feel more free,
more equal."
As someone whose forebears arrived here from China something like
eight generations ago Setiono speaks with authority when he says
the Chinese community is more secure than it has ever been, just
eight years after anti-Chinese riots, part of the unraveling of
Suharto's authoritarian rule, left scores of Chinese dead and many
shops burned.
One of the main reasons for the optimism is a fundamental change in
Indonesian law: The country has redefined what it means to be a
"native."
A citizenship law passed this year proclaims that an indigenous
Indonesian is someone who was born here to Indonesian citizens, a
radical departure for a society that separated the Chinese in one
way or another through colonial times and more recently during
Suharto's 33-year reign that ended just after the riots in
1998.
Other laws have erased the preferential treatment for "pribumi," or
indigenous groups, in bank lending and the awarding of government
contracts, a policy that still exists in Malaysia, where racial
tensions are creeping higher.
In the eight years since Suharto stepped down, Indonesia has
dropped the draconian rules that banned expressions of Chinese
culture and adopted Chinese New Year as a national holiday.
The horrors of the anti-Chinese violence in 1998 were the prime
impetus for the legal overhaul. But Indonesians also realized that
espousing the concept of a "native" could be explosive for
everyone, not just the Chinese.
"The question of who was here first became very dangerous," said
Andreas Harsono, a journalist who is researching a book on
nationalism here. "The logic has been manipulated by many
politicians."
The so-called transmigration policies of Suharto dispersed hundreds
of thousands of families, mainly Javanese, across the archipelago,
creating conflicts with other ethnic groups.
Today, instead of using the word "pribumi," some politicians claim
they are "putra daerah," or local sons, and contrast that with
"pendatang," or newcomers.
A country that sometimes seems to have as many ethnic groups and
dialects as inhabited islands (about 6,000) will probably never be
clear of racial rivalries, but tensions are nowhere near the levels
of a few years ago.
As late as last year, a US court of appeal ruled that the threat of
violence was enough to justify a Chinese Indonesian's plea for
asylum.
In Glodok, a warren of warehouses not far from Jakarta's old port
that was badly damaged during the 1998 riots, a consolidated peace
now reigns.
Chinese shop owners and their employees say they cannot recall any
racial arguments breaking out in recent years.
"I don't feel any tension," said Phie Ching Huat, who runs an
electronics shop. Phie, whose Indonesian name is Sukino, said many
ethnic Chinese families now send their children to schools that
teach Chinese dialects, mainly Mandarin.
With the rise of China as a world power, learning Chinese is
becoming popular among Indonesians of all ethnicities.
"You can hear Mandarin and Cantonese everywhere," said Phie, whose
relatives' shop was burned in the riots.
Indonesians said mentalities are also changing here, especially the
notion that all Indonesian Chinese are rapaciously rich, a common
perception during the Suharto years, when a select group of Chinese
cronies controlled large, high-profile businesses.
Tension involving overseas Chinese has been a recurring theme in
Indonesia and throughout Southeast Asia, both before and after
countries in the region became independent.
Like Jews in Europe, the Chinese were often traders or financiers,
and many, although far from all, achieved commercial success.
During the days of Mao Zedong's rule in China, overseas Chinese
were looked upon with suspicion in Indonesia and tens of thousands
were killed in anti- Communist massacres of the 1960s.
This is now all ancient history for some young people. "There are
some very rich Chinese, but there are some very poor Chinese, too,"
said Sayidah Salim, a 20-year-old student at the Islamic State
University, outside Jakarta. "If people want to work hard they will
earn more money."
Djalal, the government adviser, credited the Chinese government for
changing attitudes in Indonesia about the Chinese minority
here.
"They are projecting a very friendly, benevolent face," he said of
Beijing. Like many other countries in the region, Indonesia is
wooing tourists from China.
Setiono, of the Chinese Indonesian Association, said his
organisation was reaching out to poorer Indonesians of all
ethnicities and providing food and medicines.
Ethnic Chinese, he said, also need to be more mindful of the wealth
gap and must work to reduce it if racial harmony is to be
maintained.
Indonesian Chinese will live with the memory of the 1998 riots for
many years. During an interview, Susanto, an ethnic Chinese
wholesaler, projected a video of the violence onto his wall.
"I'm not showing you this to scare you. It's to remember," he said.
But ethnic relations have improved so much, Susanto said, that
today he has no complaints.
"Day to day there is no discrimination," he said. "I think we have
a good future here."