You became head of the NTUC and also remained a cabinet minister
-- and Singapore remained strike free.
Yes. But in January 1986 I did sanction a strike, the first for
about a decade. It was in the shipping industry where the
management was taking advantage of the workers. I did not even tell
the cabinet about santioning the strike. And some of them were
angry with me about that. The minister for trade and industry was
very angry, his officers were very upset. They had calls from
America, asking what happened to Singapore? -- we are non-strike. I
said: if I were to inform the cabinet or the government they would
probably stop me from going ahead with the strike. It only lasted
two days. Then all the issues were settled. It showed that
management was just trying to pull a fast one. So I believe what I
did was right.
It marked a trend -- that you have never been afraid of doing
something your ministerial colleagues might disagree with?
No. If they don't like it, I can always come back here to my
architecture firm.
Around this time you were discussing the succession to PM
Lee?
Lee Kuan Yew had been discussing this since about 1983. At that
time, the second echelon was Tony Tan, S. Dhanabalan, Goh Chok Tong
and myself.
Were you a candidate for the top job?
I was considered as a member of the group. At that time, we did not
know who would be the successor to Lee. We finally made the
decision to pick Goh Chok Tong. He agreed on condition that I
agreed to be his number two. So I was the second DPM; he was the
first DPM. In 1988, Lee asked Goh to take over, but he was not
ready. He said: two more years. So two years later, he took the
job.
Lee did not agree with your decision to pick Goh.
No, he did not disagree. He said he would leave it to us. His own
first choice was Tony Tan. Goh Chok Tong was his second choice. I
was his third choice because he said my English was not good
enough. He said Dhanabalan was not right because Singapore was not
ready for an Indian prime minister. That upset the Indian
community. There was quite a bit of adverse reaction to what he
said. But he speaks his mind. He is the only one who can get away
with it.
Personally, you felt Goh was the right man?
Well, among the four of us, he was the youngest. Tony Tan said no.
I said no. And he sort of accepted being pushed into the position,
on condition that we stay on to assist him.
Soon after taking over, Goh called a snap election in 1991 -- but
the PAP's vote slipped and there was talk he would quit.
Well, we did discuss about that. But he didn't indicate that he
wanted to step down.
At that time, you were no. 2 in the executive after PM Goh.
Yes. Well, no. 2, no. 3, doesn't matter.
So why run for president?
The elected presidency was Lee Kuan Yew's initiative. He came out
with the idea way back in '82, '83. After parliament passed the
measure in 1991, I considered it seriously. At that time, after 20
years in politics, I was thinking of a way to ease myself out, to
exit the political arena. I wrote to the prime minister twice to
say that I'm prepared to go.
You saw the presidency as a way to do that?
Yes, the unionists egged me on. They came to see me a couple of
times and they suggested that I take it on. I discussed it with the
prime minister, being old friends, and he gave me his
support.
The well-known oppositionist J.B. Jeyaretnam wanted to run against
you?
Yes, but he was not allowed to because he did not qualify under the
stringent criteria. Maybe too stringent.
You were glad Jeyaretnam could not run?
No, it's okay. I think it would have been more fun.
Some of your colleagues did not think it was much fun when your
only opponent, a former accountant-general, Chua Kim Yeoh, got so
much support?
Yes, all of them were quite worried. Some ministers even called me
to say: Oh, we are worried about the outcome. At first, we were
quite confident about getting over 70% of the vote. But there was a
swing of support over to my opponent's side, especially in the
educated class -- civil servants and the Shenton Way group. The
issue was whether they wanted a PAP man as president to check on a
PAP government, or whether it would be better to have a neutral
independent like Chua. That's why they voted against me because I
had the PAP government support. I would have been happier without
the PAP's open support. I think I would have been better off with
just the unionists' support and the Chinese-educated heartlanders.
Without them I would not have been elected.
But you did win and you had to figure out how to do this new job as
Singapore's first elected president.
Yes. At the first opening of parliament after I was elected, I was
given a speech prepared by the government. I read the speech
carefully. Besides ceremonial functions, it said that I'm supposed
to safeguard the reserves and to help society become more
compassionate and gracious. So I decided that, well, if that is
what is said in the speech, then that's going to be my job. And I
am going to do it. That's what I tried to do. In fact, during the
six years I was president, I was very busy.
Doing what?
Well, I got involved in a lot of things. The Istana presidential
palace and other places had to be renovated. All this had to be
planned and these places got ready one by one, so that ceremonial
functions and other business could go on as usual. I had to press
the government to finalize the procedures for the protection of the
reserves. A lot of the teething problems and misunderstandings were
because there was a lack of clearcut procedures of what to do.
Towards the end of my term, I pressed the prime minister for a
White Paper to be tabled in parliament that would set out all the
principles and procedures for the elected president. Then I will
announce my decision to step down. I want to get the job
done.
Initially, he did not want to do that?
It's not that he did not want to do that, but it had been dragging
for a long time. They produced a White Paper eventually, tabled it
in parliament last July, and that made the future president's job
easier. We have already tested out many of the procedures during my
term, except for asking the president to approve a draw on the past
reserves during a deep economic crisis. That was never done. It's
that part of procedure that was not tested. How to do it?
It was this issue that caused the dispute between you and the
government?
Yes. But I don't want to go into details and upset everybody. The
thing is that the elected president is supposed to protect the
reserves, but he was not told what these are until five years
later. From the day the Constitution was amended in 1991 to provide
for an elected president, he was supposed to fulfil that role. My
predecessor, Wee Kim Wee, although he was not elected, was supposed
to play that role during the last two years of his term. But he did
not actively check. So, when I came in in 1993, I asked for all
this information about the reserves. It took them three years to
give it to me.