NYT OP-ED
29th Jan 2004
The Dead Center
By ROBERT B. REICH
Published: January 29, 2004
he dismal fifth-place showing by Senator Joseph Lieberman in the
New Hampshire primary on Tuesday serves as both reminder and
motivator to the other Democratic presidential candidates on what
it will take to win in November. For so long now, everyone has
assumed that recapturing the presidency depends on who triumphs in
the battle between liberals and moderates within the party. Such
thinking, though, is inherently flawed. The real fight is between
those who want only to win back the White House and those who also
want to build a new political movement one that rivals the
conservative movement that has given Republicans their dominant
position in American politics.
Senator Lieberman's defeat on Tuesday could be a good indicator of
which side is ahead. To their detriment, Mr. Lieberman and the
perennially dour Democratic Leadership Council have been deeply
wary of any hint of a progressive movement, preferring instead an
uninspired centrist message that echoes Republican themes.
On the other extreme is Howard Dean, who could be called the
quintessential "movement" Democrat. His campaign is both
grass-roots and reformist, and is based on the proposition that
ordinary people must be empowered to "take back America." Similar
threads can also be seen in the campaigns of Senators John Edwards
and John Kerry. (Full disclosure: I've been helping Senator Kerry.)
It was no accident after last week's caucuses in Iowa that a
beaming Senator Edwards told supporters they had "started a
movement to change America."
I hope that Mr. Edwards and the others will stay on message and
movement. After all, Democrats have seen what the Republican Party
has been able to accomplish over the years. The conservative
movement has developed dedicated sources of money and legions of
ground troops who not only get out the vote, but also spend the
time between elections persuading others to join their ranks. It
has devised frames of reference that are used repeatedly in policy
debates (among them: it's your money, tax and spend, political
correctness, class warfare).
It has a system for recruiting and electing officials nationwide
who share the same world view and who will vote accordingly. And it
has a coherent ideology uniting evangelical Christians, blue-collar
whites in the South and West, and big business an ideology in
which foreign enemies, domestic poverty and crime, and
homosexuality all must be met with strict punishment and religious
orthodoxy.
In contrast, the Democratic Party has had no analogous movement to
animate it. Instead, every four years party loyalists throw
themselves behind a presidential candidate who they believe will
deliver them from the rising conservative tide. After the election,
they go back to whatever they were doing before. Other Democrats
have involved themselves in single-issue politics the
environment, campaign finance, the war in Iraq and so on but
these battles have failed to build a political movement. Issues
rise and fall, depending on which interests are threatened and
when. They can even divide Democrats, as each advocacy group
scrambles after the same set of liberal donors and competes for the
limited attention of the news media.
As a result, Democrats have been undisciplined, intimidated or just
plain silent. They have few dedicated sources of money, and almost
no ground troops. The religious left is disconnected from the
political struggle. One hears few liberal Democratic phrases that
are repeated with any regularity. In addition, there is no
consistent Democratic world view or ideology. Most Congressional
Democrats raise their own money, do their own polls and vote every
which way. Democrats have little or no clear identity except by
reference to what conservatives say about them.
Self-styled Democratic centrists, like those who inhabit the
Democratic Leadership Council, attribute the party's difficulties
to a failure to respond to an electorate grown more conservative,
upscale and suburban. This is nonsense. The biggest losses for
Democrats since 1980 have not been among suburban voters but among
America's giant middle and working classes especially white
workers without four-year college degrees, once part of the old
Democratic base. Not incidentally, these are the same people who
have lost the most economic ground over the last
quarter-century.