2012-04-11 18:56
The second Nuclear Security Summit and the Fourth
BRICs Summit took place almost back to back in late March although
their venues were not identical. The NSS was participated in by 53
countries, including all great powers, and the BRICs Summit by five
great powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). The
purposes and agenda of the two summits are different: The former
for the security and reduction of nuclear materials and the latter
for the reform of the international economic and financial
order.
If we scrutinize their backgrounds and ultimate
purposes, we can find that they reflect the slowly moving tectonic
change of the world order.
Both forums were created when the danger of nuclear
proliferation and illicit trafficking of nuclear materials was
becoming increasingly serious and the existing international
financial order was failing to deal with the 2007 international
financial crisis. The NSS is initiated and led by the U.S., which
mainly sets its agenda, while the BRICs Summit is suggested by
Russia but its agenda is jointly set and it has no
leader.
It should be noted, however, that the NSS is not
dictated by the U.S. as its decisions are made by consensus and
agenda items are fully discussed at the NSS and amended if
necessary. However, it is also true that great powers have a
stronger voice than lesser powers. Most important of all, decisions
are not legally binding. In the case of the BRICs Summit the
decision-making process is more democratic in the sense that all
participants are equal.
It seems that the Obama administration is
experimenting with multilateralism through the NSS. During his
campaign for the U.S. presidency, he pledged that he would seek
multilateral diplomacy, criticizing the Bush administration’s
unilateral diplomacy. He rejected dogmatism and supported
pragmatism, while advocating diplomacy through soft power, not hard
power. However, he seems to limit multilateral diplomacy to global
issues.
In the Asia-Pacific, in contrast, he still sticks to
the traditional unilateral security strategy and hard power
diplomacy. He is trying to build the trans-Pacific partnership and
link it with trans-Atlantic partnership by transforming APEC into a
U.S.-dominant free trade organization and strengthen the existing
hub-spoke military partnership by consolidating the existing
alliances and creating new ones so that the U.S. can contain any
great power(s) challenging its hegemony in the
Asia-Pacific.
This dualistic approach reveals that U.S. hegemony
is weakening but the U.S. refuses to accept the reality. The world
is changing but nobody can accurately foresee what kind of world
order will emerge. The former global superpower, the United
Kingdom, had been unable to get out of the illusion that it was the
global hegemon until its joint military campaign with France
against Egypt in 1956 failed.
The BRICs Summit representing the emerging great
powers calls for “a more democratic and just multipolar world
order.” In this vein, it demands that on the basis of international
law, equality and multilateral decision-making, the international
financial and monetary system should be more representative, the
G20 be the primary forum for international economic cooperation and
the U.N. be strengthened and reformed so that it can play a central
role in dealing with global challenges and threats. In order to
increase the group’s power in the U.N. China and Russia support the
other three countries’ membership of the Security
Council.
What the BRICs nations demand is
almost identical with what Third World countries have demanded
throughout the post-World War II era.
They have been advocating, through
the Non-aligned Movement and the Group of 77, a new international
economic order and democracy in the U.N.
The Third World shares the same view with the
BRICs on the inviolability of the principle of non-intervention in
domestic affairs. Both believe that state sovereignty precedes
humanitarian intervention. On the basis of this view, both oppose
humanitarian intervention by the U.N. in Syria.
These demands of BRICs are an obvious challenge to
the unipolar world order and U.S. hegemony.
Scholars generally agree that when emerging great
powers challenge, a general war is likely to happen, but they are
divided over whether the emerging great powers will act in unison
or whether they will seek confrontation or cooperation even when
they unite. One thing is clear: The world is being divided into the
West and the non-West. The non-West includes all Third World
nations, and BRICs leads them.
The Third World now has a strong leadership. But
one problem with the non-West is that its unity is not strong as
the old Third World. Some are developing fast and becoming more
pro-Western, while others still remain rogue states. In terms of
civilization and ethnic identity, it is extremely diverse. More
important is Russia’s position: it has been oscillating between the
West and non-West mainly because of its geopolitically ambiguous
position. Now, it identifies itself with the non-West, but there is
no guarantee that it will not switch to the West or try to form its
own group.
The world is slowly in transition to a new world
order. Obama’s dualistic approach and the BRICs’ are symptomatic of
this.
By Park Sang-seek
Park Sang-seek is a professor at the Graduate
Institute of Peace Studies, Kyung Hee University. ― Ed.
http://www.koreaherald.com/national/Detail.jsp?newsMLId=20120411000390
True, nothing of an earth-shaking
nature has emerged from the New Delhi summit. Yet, there are new
stirrings that herald the potential for a BRICS surge. And that
causes disquiet to the developed world.
Simply put, as the Delhi Declaration
by the BRICS countries reminds is, it is a “platform for dialogue
and cooperation amongst countries that represent 43% of the world’s
population” in a multi-polar world. That is saying a lot.
There is nothing like BRICS in the
developed world today. The G-7 has become a relic of history. The
view across the Atlantic is dismal, with Europe and the United
States struggling with their respective economic crisis, discarding
pretensions that they are world champions.
Read more about
4th BRICS leaders summit in New Delhi
The Delhi Declaration makes an
undisguised bid for strengthened representation of emerging and
developing countries in the institutions of global governance”.
This is no vacuous claim. Because, BRICS also has a special
experience to share – having “recovered quickly from the global
crisis.” The West has not heard this sort of idiom before. This is
not the global South asking plaintively for “more”. This is an open
demand for “power sharing”.
The West has never been spoken to
like this before in all these centuries since the Industrial
Revolution. The tides of history are, clearly, turning. The Delhi
Declaration suggests: “We believe that it is critical for advanced
economies to adopt responsible macroeconomic and financial
policies, avoid creating excessive global liquidity and undertake
structural reforms to lift growth that create jobs. We draw
attention to the risks of large and volatile cross-border capital
flows being faced by the emerging economies. We call for further
international financial regulatory oversight and reform,
strengthening policy coordination and financial regulation and
supervision cooperation, and promoting the sound development of
global financial markets and banking systems.”
The developing world has never
before admonished the developed world in such fashion. The BRICS
has asserted its credentials to make this demand since it
represents economies that are having broad-based economic growth
and are “significant contributors to global recovery.”
The Delhi Declaration goes on to
criticize the slow pace of quota and governance reforms in the
International Monetary Fund and in the functioning of the World
Bank and questions the West’s prerogative to head these
institutions. Significantly, BRICS is raising its voice even as
Russia is preparing to assume the Presidency of the G20 in
2013.
One concrete outcome of the Delhi
summit is the agreement to consider the possibility of setting up a
new Development Bank for mobilizing resources for infrastructure
and sustainable development projects in BRICS and other developing
countries to “supplement” the role of the World Bank and other
regional financial institutions.
The idea is to shake off the
continued dominance of the developed countries over these financial
institutions. Ideally, what the World Bank and the whole network of
existing regional development banks would prefer is to continue to
use the BRICS money and keep the existing pattern of western
hegemony. Whereas, a BRICS bank will threaten the entrenched
western practice to use the international financial institutions to
prescribe and impose economic policies to the developing countries
thereby promote the commercial interests of the developed countries
and even establish political hegemony.
The implications are far-reaching
for the geopolitics of Africa, in particular. The Delhi summit has
sought a report on the setting up of a development bank by the next
annual BRICS summit in South Africa. Interestingly, South Africa is
representing the voice of the African continent within BRICS.
Read more about Russia enter to
WTO
Again, Russia’s entry into the World
Trade Organization would phenomenally change the BRICS’ capacity
(and political will) to safeguard the rule-based multilateral
trading system and influence a successful and balanced outcome of
the Doha Round.
Equally, the Delhi summit witnessed
the conclusion of the Master Agreement on Extending Credit Facility
in Local Currency under BRICS Interbank Cooperation Mechanism and
the Multilateral Letter of Credit Confirmation Facility Agreement
between our EXIM/Development Banks. Without doubt, these are going
to be useful enabling instruments for promoting intra-BRICS
trade.
A furious attack has begun from the
West. The trades leveled at the BRICS tells their own story:
• BRICS countries subscribe to
“different values”.
• The rest of the BRICS abhor
China’s rise.
• Russia is a “declining country”
and doesn’t have “much in common” with the rest of the BRICS as a
significant player in the world economy, apart from its vast energy
reserves.
• Therefore, BRICS countries aren’t
“natural allies”.
• Indians are frightened of
encirclement by China and are full of angst about the “very big
imbalance” between them, although they have “lots of economic
interests in common”.
• China, in turn, is concerned about
the spectre of a US-led Asian alliance arrayed against it, which
Includes India.
• South Africa is struggling to
sustain growth; Russia remains “volatile”; Brazil shows promise,
while China and India are massive countries with extraordinary
potential and highly impressive records. The BRICS isn’t a “natural
grouping”.
Arguably, there is merit in some of
these arguments, but then, BRICS process is about steadily
enlarging the commonality of interests among the member countries
and never about creating a bloc of like-minded nations on the basis
of their so-called “values”. It is a pragmatic process that gives
space and autonomy for the member countries, which in turns
provides BRICS also the latitude to work on creating over time a
critical mass.
The fact of the matter is that the
critical mass is building and is already visible. As the BRICS
gains confidence, it is spreading its wings. The summit in 2011 in
China took the baby steps in the direction of harmonizing the
member countries’ positions on international political issues. The
BRICS took a step forward in the Delhi summit to adopt a common
stance on Syria, the number one “hot spot” in world politics today.
The Delhi Declaration puts accent on a Syrian-led inclusive
political process and national dialogue and calls on the world
community to respects that country’s independence, territorial
integrity and sovereignty.
Read more from M
K Bhadrakumar
The so-called “Delhi Action Plan”
approved by the summit underscores the political will on the part
of the member countries to strengthen the BRICS process. It
envisages regular and frequent meetings of the foreign ministers,
finance ministers, trade ministers, agriculture ministers, health
ministers and central bank governors (plus meetings at senior
officials’ level on various areas of cooperation) on the sidelines
of relevant international events. The intention is to coordinate a
BRICS common stance on a wide range of shared interests
globally.
What needs to be highlighted is the
decision to hold “stand-alone” meetings of the BRICS High
Representatives responsible for national security. In the Indian
context, the National Security Advisor is the key figure at the
highest level of policymaking in foreign and security policies –
and, interestingly, is also the designated point person to steer
the course of India-China relationship.
The BRICS holds interesting
possibilities for India to work with China on the global
issues. Viewed from another angle, the BRICS process explores the
common aspirations of the two Asian powers in the emergent world
order. They are at complete liberty to fast track issues.
The heart of the matter is that
BRICS provides a friendly, unhurried environment in which
meaningful cogitations can take place between member countries at a
bilateral level as well. Lest it be overlooked, on the sidelines of
the summit in Delhi, Indian and Chinese leaderships took time out
to discuss the bilateral relationship.
When the western critics viciously
lampoon that the BRICS lack “mortar”, et al, they are barking up
the wrong tree. The BRICS is not meant to be a steel-and-glass
edifice. It is a process borne out of a common will to blend shared
aspirations regarding a new world order. Given the BRICS economies’
growing share of the world GDP, they have a claim to greater
participation in the global architecture. While dogs may bark, the
caravan is determined to roll on. That is the message coming out of
the BRICS Delhi summit.
http://indrus.in/articles/2012/04/10/brics_challenges_the_world_order_15426.html