Changing order
VLADIMIR RADYUHIN in Moscow
The SCO and BRIC summits had a common agenda: working
for multipolarity and a revamp of the global economic and financial
order.
SERGEI
KARPUKHIN/REUTERS

BRIC leaders in Yekaterinburg on June 16. (From left)
Presidents Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva of Brazil, Dmitry Medvedev of
Russia, Hu Jintao of China, and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of
India.
IF there is a bright side to the global financial and economic
crisis, it is that the devastating meltdown has
spurred the rise of a multipolar world. This
reality was fully in evidence in Yekaterinburg on June 15-16, where
Russia hosted the overlapping summits of the
Brazil-Russia-India-China (BRIC) and the six-member Shanghai
Cooperation Organisation (SCO) led by Russia and China.
The resolve to reform the
United States-dominated world shaped the agenda of both
summits. A declaration released at the SCO
summit said that global “multipolarity is irreversible”. Likewise,
the BRIC summit stated its “support for a more democratic and just
multipolar world order based on the rule of international law,
equality, mutual respect, cooperation, coordinated action and
collective decision-making of all states.”
Both the SCO and BRIC have made great strides in recent years,
but while the Shanghai group has been a formally structured
regional security organisation since 2000, BRIC, until recently,
was just an acronym coined in 2001 to explore the impact of the
four fastest growing emerging economies on the global power
balance. In the past couple of years, BRIC has undergone a
fascinating transformation from an academic concept to a
full-blooded global forum.
Exploratory get-togethers of the four nations’ Foreign Ministers
on the sidelines of the United Nations led to their first stand
alone meeting in Yekaterinburg in May 2007, followed by meetings of
their Finance Ministers and regular consultations among their
central banks. The 2007 summit institutionalised the group as a
global political and economic forum and the Second World’s
alternative to the G8.
Much has been said about the four nations having too many
differences and precious little in common. Sceptics have pointed
out that China’s gross domestic product (GDP) outstrips that of the
other three countries combined; that Russia is the world’s biggest
exporter of hydrocarbons and Brazil is a major source of farm
products and other commodities for the world, and that India is
strong in services and China is the world’s manufacturing hub.
Russia competes with China for influence in Central Asia and is
uneasy about Chinese demographic expansion into depopulated
Siberia. India has an unsettled border dispute with China and is
nervous about China’s military rise and support for Pakistan.
However, the recent summit
showed that the four do have a common agenda – a revamp of the
global economic and financial order. A joint statement signed by
Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Russian President
Dmitry Medvedev, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Chinese
President Hu Jintao called for an overhaul of global financial
institutions and sweeping changes to the U.N. to give a bigger role
to India and Brazil.
The BRIC states pledged to promote energy and food security, to
expand cooperation in “fundamental research and the development of
advanced technologies”, and to step up efforts for humanitarian
assistance. The statement stressed “the
central role played by the G20 summits in dealing with the
financial crisis” but made no mention of the G8, sending a clear
signal that the era when the world’s richest nations set the global
agenda was over. Interestingly, BRIC Foreign
Ministers had “expressed desire for continued cooperation” with the
G8 a year ago.
The BRIC nations defined their immediate goal as increasing
their representation in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
World Bank and other financial bodies. “The emerging and developing
economies must have a greater voice and representation in
international financial institutions,” the joint statement said.
BRIC’s demand for a greater voice is well grounded. The four
nations account for 40 per cent of the world’s population, nearly
20 per cent of global GDP, and almost half of the global currency
reserves. Jim O’Neill, chief economist of Goldman Sachs, who coined
the term BRIC, said recently that the BRIC nations would overtake
the G7 developed economies in terms of GDP in less than 20
years.
Despite their growing economic clout, BRIC nations hold barely
10 per cent of the votes in the IMF, against almost 17 per cent of
the U.S. BRIC leaders called for reforming the global finances to
diversify away from the dollar. “We also believe that there is a
strong need for a stable, predictable and more diversified
international monetary system,” the summit declaration said.
VLADIMIR RODIONOV/RIA
NOVOSTI/REUTERS

Presidents of the member-states and observer-nations of the
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in Yekaterinburg for the group's
summit on June 15-16. (Back row, from left) Asif Ali Zardari of
Pakistan, Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan and Islam Karimov of
Uzbekistan; (middle row, from left) Hamid Karzai (hidden) of
Afghanistan and Emomali Rakhmon of Tajikistan; (front row, from
left) Kurmanbek Bakiyev of Kyrgyzstan, Hu Jintao of China and
Dmitry Medvedev of Russia.
Medvedev stated that the “U.S. dollar has failed to perform its
function” as the main reserve currency, and predicted the
inevitable emergence of new reserve currencies even if the process
would take time. He said that BRIC leaders had instructed their
Finance Ministers and central bank Governors to meet and draw up
“the parameters of a new financial architecture.”
Member-states of BRIC are already taking practical steps to
reduce their dependence on the dollar. In the run-up to the summit
in Yekaterinburg, China and Brazil decided to settle mutual trade
in their own currencies without using the dollar, and a day after
the summit, the leaders of Russia and China said at a meeting in
Moscow that the two countries would work to switch part of their
trade from the dollar to the rouble and the yuan.
The decision of China, Brazil and Russia to purchase $70 billion
worth of new multicurrency IMF bonds serves the same purpose. India
is also expected to join them. Russia further said that it could
consider investing its reserves in the financial instruments traded
by BRIC states on a reciprocal basis.
The summit in Yekaterinburg was not a one-time affair as the
four countries agreed to institute interaction mechanisms. “We have
agreed to have close and regular contacts at the level of
ministries,” Medvedev said, mentioning the Finance, Agriculture,
Trade and Economic Ministries and the central banks. “This work
will be coordinated by the Foreign Ministries,” he added. The BRIC
leaders agreed to hold their next summit in Brazil in 2010.
Like BRIC, the SCO nations drew inspiration from the global
crisis to strengthen their cooperation. At the Yekaterinburg
summit, they agreed to enhance trade and investment among
member-states and with observer countries. Apart from Russia and
China, the SCO unites four Central Asian states – Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. It also has four observers –
India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan. An SCO declaration adopted in
Yekaterinburg calls for speeding up large-scale projects in
transport, communications, logistics, trade and tourism, and
innovation and energy-saving and renewable-energy technologies.
The SCO leaders said their goal was to turn Central Asia into a
“transcontinental bridge” between Europe and Asia by building new
transport corridors and modernising existing rail and motor roads.
They agreed to strengthen the security agenda of their alliance,
adopting a “Statute on Politico-Diplomatic Mechanisms of Responding
to Situations Threatening Peace, Security and Stability in the
Region”. The document has not been published, but it probably
addresses the simmering disputes between Central Asian states over
energy and water resources.
The SCO also approved a range of anti-terrorist documents: a
convention against terrorism; a programme of cooperation in
combating terrorism, separatism and extremism for 2010-2012, and an
agreement on training anti-terrorist personnel for the
member-states. None of these documents has been released so
far.
Afghanistan was high on the agenda of the SCO summit in
Yekaterinburg, as it was in all previous summits. The SCO expressed
“grave concern” over the worsening situation in Afghanistan and
decided to “intensify cooperation with the observer-states” and
other countries and organisations in combating the growing threats
of terrorism, drug trafficking and cross-border crime. Russia moved
to further enhance its role in settling the Afghanistan problem. In
March, Moscow hosted an SCO conference on Afghanistan and opened
transit routes on land to non-military traffic for the benefit of
U.S.-led NATO forces in Afghanistan.
Medvedev announced the establishment of a trilateral group with
Afghanistan and Pakistan to help resolve the problem of terrorism
in the tribal zone. The problem of Afghanistan “cannot be resolved
without normalising the situation in several Pakistani provinces
and without destroying the terrorist dens there,” Medvedev said
after meeting with the leaders of Pakistan and Afghanistan
separately and in a trilateral format. Russia’s demonstrative
pressure on Pakistan to curb terrorism was sweet music to Manmohan
Singh, who attended the SCO summit for the first time. His presence
at the SCO table was a big victory for Russian diplomacy. Indian
diplomats acknowledged that the Prime Minister had accepted the
invitation in recognition of Russia’s “special efforts”.
At the previous SCO summit in Dushanbe in August 2008, Russia
pushed through a proposal to invite the heads of state and
government of the observer nations to closed-door summit meetings
in order “to allow their views to weigh in”. Russia has long
favoured granting full SCO membership to India, which received
observer status in 2005 along with Iran and Pakistan. China has so
far opposed India’s membership, but Russia has been patiently
working to lift a China-lobbied SCO moratorium on admission of new
members. At the Dushanbe summit, the SCO leaders set up a
commission to work out admission rules. It has since met three
times and is reported to have circulated draft rules to the
member-states.
SERGEI
KARPUKHIN/REUTERS

Asif Ali Zardari and Manmohan Singh met on the sidelines of
the SCO summit and agreed to resume diplomatic talks between India
and Pakistan.
In Yekaterinburg, Medvedev called for speeding up the drafting
of admission rules. “The work is going on; instructions have been
issued, but we need to get this job done and come up with norms and
procedures so that we can set the ball rolling,” the Russian leader
said. Hu signalled China’s continued opposition to SCO expansion by
failing to mention the subject either in his speech in the plenary
session or in post-summit interviews.
However, other SCO members concerned over China’s overbearing
presence in Central Asia openly backed the Russian stand. Emomali
Rakhmon, the President of Tajikistan, called for completing all
formalities for the admission of new members by the 10th
anniversary of the SCO in 2010. Even more important was the support
from Uzbekistan, which took over the SCO rotating presidency from
Russia in Yekaterinburg. “We consider it advisable… to expedite the
drafting of documents… for the admission of observer states as full
members,” President Islam Karimov said in his speech. “We are all
aware this question is not simple, but it must be solved
step-by-step.”
Outgoing SCO Secretary-General Bolat Nurgaliyev of Kazakhstan
said expansion of the alliance was “inevitable” given the interest
of outside countries towards the group. In Yekaterinburg, Sri Lanka
and Belarus were granted the newly established status of “SCO
dialogue partner”. On the way home from Yekaterinburg, Manmohan
Singh said that India was not only looking forward “to increased
functional cooperation with the SCO”, but “would welcome” an
invitation to join it as a member. “But I am not lobbying for it,”
he added. Probably he should if India is not to lose Central Asia
to China.
Yekaterinburg marked a new phase in China’s economic expansion
in Central Asia. Hu announced China’s decision to give $10 billion
in credits to Central Asian states to help them cope with the
global economic downturn. Earlier this year, China extended $10
billion in credits to oil- and gas-rich Kazakhstan and a $3 billion
credit to Turkmenistan to help it develop new gas fields, and
agreed to make a $1-billion investment in Tajikistan to build
electricity generation projects. China has thus overtaken Russia as
the biggest donor for and investor in Central Asia.
Moscow earlier this year promised over $1 billion in economic
aid and credits to Kyrgyzstan and set up a $10-billion anti-crisis
fund for Central Asia. But it cannot compete with China’s financial
might and this is one reason it wants India to become a full SCO
member.
http://www.flonnet.com/stories/20090717261405700.htm