11:05 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. Please be seated. Thanks
for the warm welcome, and thanks for inviting me to join you in
this 20th anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy. The
staff and directors of this organization have seen a lot of history
over the last two decades, you've been a part of that history. By
speaking for and standing for freedom, you've lifted the hopes of
people around the world, and you've brought great credit to
America.
I appreciate Vin for the short introduction. I'm a man who likes
short introductions. And he didn't let me down. But more
importantly, I appreciate the invitation. I appreciate the members
of Congress who are here, senators from both political parties,
members of the House of Representatives from both political
parties. I appreciate the ambassadors who are here. I appreciate
the guests who have come. I appreciate the bipartisan spirit, the
nonpartisan spirit of the National Endowment for Democracy. I'm
glad that Republicans and Democrats and independents are working
together to advance human liberty.
The roots of our democracy can be traced to England, and to its
Parliament -- and so can the roots of this organization. In June of
1982, President Ronald Reagan spoke at Westminster Palace and
declared, the turning point had arrived in history. He argued that
Soviet communism had failed, precisely because it did not respect
its own people -- their creativity, their genius and their
rights.
President Reagan said that the day of Soviet tyranny was passing,
that freedom had a momentum which would not be halted. He gave this
organization its mandate: to add to the momentum of freedom across
the world. Your mandate was important 20 years ago; it is equally
important today. (Applause.)
A number of critics were dismissive of that speech by the
President. According to one editorial of the time, "It seems hard
to be a sophisticated European and also an admirer of Ronald
Reagan." (Laughter.) Some observers on both sides of the Atlantic
pronounced the speech simplistic and naive, and even dangerous. In
fact, Ronald Reagan's words were courageous and optimistic and
entirely correct. (Applause.)
The great democratic movement President Reagan described was
already well underway. In the early 1970s, there were about 40
democracies in the world. By the middle of that decade, Portugal
and Spain and Greece held free elections. Soon there were new
democracies in Latin America, and free institutions were spreading
in Korea, in Taiwan, and in East Asia. This very week in 1989,
there were protests in East Berlin and in Leipzig. By the end of
that year, every communist dictatorship in Central America* had
collapsed. Within another year, the South African government
released Nelson Mandela. Four years later, he was elected president
of his country -- ascending, like Walesa and Havel, from prisoner
of state to head of state.
As the 20th century ended, there were around 120 democracies in the
world -- and I can assure you more are on the way. (Applause.)
Ronald Reagan would be pleased, and he would not be
surprised.
We've witnessed, in little over a generation, the swiftest advance
of freedom in the 2,500 year story of democracy. Historians in the
future will offer their own explanations for why this happened. Yet
we already know some of the reasons they will cite. It is no
accident that the rise of so many democracies took place in a time
when the world's most influential nation was itself a
democracy.
The United States made military and moral commitments in Europe and
Asia, which protected free nations from aggression, and created the
conditions in which new democracies could flourish. As we provided
security for whole nations, we also provided inspiration for
oppressed peoples. In prison camps, in banned union meetings, in
clandestine churches, men and women knew that the whole world was
not sharing their own nightmare. They knew of at least one place --
a bright and hopeful land -- where freedom was valued and secure.
And they prayed that America would not forget them, or forget the
mission to promote liberty around the world.
Historians will note that in many nations, the advance of markets
and free enterprise helped to create a middle class that was
confident enough to demand their own rights. They will point to the
role of technology in frustrating censorship and central control --
and marvel at the power of instant communications to spread the
truth, the news, and courage across borders.
Historians in the future will reflect on an extraordinary,
undeniable fact: Over time, free nations grow stronger and
dictatorships grow weaker. In the middle of the 20th century, some
imagined that the central planning and social regimentation were a
shortcut to national strength. In fact, the prosperity, and social
vitality and technological progress of a people are directly
determined by extent of their liberty. Freedom honors and unleashes
human creativity -- and creativity determines the strength and
wealth of nations. Liberty is both the plan of Heaven for humanity,
and the best hope for progress here on Earth.
The progress of liberty is a powerful trend. Yet, we also know that
liberty, if not defended, can be lost. The success of freedom is
not determined by some dialectic of history. By definition, the
success of freedom rests upon the choices and the courage of free
peoples, and upon their willingness to sacrifice. In the trenches
of World War I, through a two-front war in the 1940s, the difficult
battles of Korea and Vietnam, and in missions of rescue and
liberation on nearly every continent, Americans have amply
displayed our willingness to sacrifice for liberty.
The sacrifices of Americans have not always been recognized or
appreciated, yet they have been worthwhile. Because we and our
allies were steadfast, Germany and Japan are democratic nations
that no longer threaten the world. A global nuclear standoff with
the Soviet Union ended peacefully -- as did the Soviet Union. The
nations of Europe are moving towards unity, not dividing into armed
camps and descending into genocide. Every nation has learned, or
should have learned, an important lesson: Freedom is worth fighting
for, dying for, and standing for -- and the advance of freedom
leads to peace. (Applause.)
And now we must apply that lesson in our own time. We've reached
another great turning point -- and the resolve we show will shape
the next stage of the world democratic movement.
Our commitment to democracy is tested in countries like Cuba and
Burma and North Korea and Zimbabwe -- outposts of oppression in our
world. The people in these nations live in captivity, and fear and
silence. Yet, these regimes cannot hold back freedom forever --
and, one day, from prison camps and prison cells, and from exile,
the leaders of new democracies will arrive. (Applause.) Communism,
and militarism and rule by the capricious and corrupt are the
relics of a passing era. And we will stand with these oppressed
peoples until the day of their freedom finally arrives.
(Applause.)
Our commitment to democracy is tested in China. That nation now has
a sliver, a fragment of liberty. Yet, China's people will
eventually want their liberty pure and whole. China has discovered
that economic freedom leads to national wealth. China's leaders
will also discover that freedom is indivisible -- that social and
religious freedom is also essential to national greatness and
national dignity. Eventually, men and women who are allowed to
control their own wealth will insist on controlling their own lives
and their own country.
Our commitment to democracy is also tested in the Middle East,
which is my focus today, and must be a focus of American policy for
decades to come. In many nations of the Middle East -- countries of
great strategic importance -- democracy has not yet taken root. And
the questions arise: Are the peoples of the Middle East somehow
beyond the reach of liberty? Are millions of men and women and
children condemned by history or culture to live in despotism? Are
they alone never to know freedom, and never even to have a choice
in the matter? I, for one, do not believe it. I believe every
person has the ability and the right to be free. (Applause.)
Some skeptics of democracy assert that the traditions of Islam are
inhospitable to the representative government. This "cultural
condescension," as Ronald Reagan termed it, has a long history.
After the Japanese surrender in 1945, a so-called Japan expert
asserted that democracy in that former empire would "never work."
Another observer declared the prospects for democracy in
post-Hitler Germany are, and I quote, "most uncertain at best" --
he made that claim in 1957. Seventy-four years ago, The Sunday
London Times declared nine-tenths of the population of India to be
"illiterates not caring a fig for politics." Yet when Indian
democracy was imperiled in the 1970s, the Indian people showed
their commitment to liberty in a national referendum that saved
their form of government.
Time after time, observers have questioned whether this country, or
that people, or this group, are "ready" for democracy -- as if
freedom were a prize you win for meeting our own Western standards
of progress. In fact, the daily work of democracy itself is the
path of progress. It teaches cooperation, the free exchange of
ideas, and the peaceful resolution of differences. As men and women
are showing, from Bangladesh to Botswana, to Mongolia, it is the
practice of democracy that makes a nation ready for democracy, and
every nation can start on this path.
It should be clear to all that Islam -- the faith of one-fifth of
humanity -- is consistent with democratic rule. Democratic progress
is found in many predominantly Muslim countries -- in Turkey and
Indonesia, and Senegal and Albania, Niger and Sierra Leone. Muslim
men and women are good citizens of India and South Africa, of the
nations of Western Europe, and of the United States of
America.
More than half of all the Muslims in the world live in freedom
under democratically constituted governments. They succeed in
democratic societies, not in spite of their faith, but because of
it. A religion that demands individual moral accountability, and
encourages the encounter of the individual with God, is fully
compatible with the rights and responsibilities of
self-government.
Yet there's a great challenge today in the Middle East. In the
words of a recent report by Arab scholars, the global wave of
democracy has -- and I quote -- "barely reached the Arab states."
They continue: "This freedom deficit undermines human development
and is one of the most painful manifestations of lagging political
development." The freedom deficit they describe has terrible
consequences, of the people of the Middle East and for the world.
In many Middle Eastern countries, poverty is deep and it is
spreading, women lack rights and are denied schooling. Whole
societies remain stagnant while the world moves ahead. These are
not the failures of a culture or a religion. These are the failures
of political and economic doctrines.
As the colonial era passed away, the Middle East saw the
establishment of many military dictatorships. Some rulers adopted
the dogmas of socialism, seized total control of political parties
and the media and universities. They allied themselves with the
Soviet bloc and with international terrorism. Dictators in Iraq and
Syria promised the restoration of national honor, a return to
ancient glories. They've left instead a legacy of torture,
oppression, misery, and ruin.
Other men, and groups of men, have gained influence in the Middle
East and beyond through an ideology of theocratic terror. Behind
their language of religion is the ambition for absolute political
power. Ruling cabals like the Taliban show their version of
religious piety in public whippings of women, ruthless suppression
of any difference or dissent, and support for terrorists who arm
and train to murder the innocent. The Taliban promised religious
purity and national pride. Instead, by systematically destroying a
proud and working society, they left behind suffering and
starvation.
Many Middle Eastern governments now understand that military
dictatorship and theocratic rule are a straight, smooth highway to
nowhere. But some governments still cling to the old habits of
central control. There are governments that still fear and repress
independent thought and creativity, and private enterprise -- the
human qualities that make for a -- strong and successful societies.
Even when these nations have vast natural resources, they do not
respect or develop their greatest resources -- the talent and
energy of men and women working and living in freedom.
Instead of dwelling on past wrongs and blaming others, governments
in the Middle East need to confront real problems, and serve the
true interests of their nations. The good and capable people of the
Middle East all deserve responsible leadership. For too long, many
people in that region have been victims and subjects -- they
deserve to be active citizens.
Governments across the Middle East and North Africa are beginning
to see the need for change. Morocco has a diverse new parliament;
King Mohammed has urged it to extend the rights to women. Here is
how His Majesty explained his reforms to parliament: "How can
society achieve progress while women, who represent half the
nation, see their rights violated and suffer as a result of
injustice, violence, and marginalization, notwithstanding the
dignity and justice granted to them by our glorious religion?" The
King of Morocco is correct: The future of Muslim nations will be
better for all with the full participation of women.
(Applause.)
In Bahrain last year, citizens elected their own parliament for the
first time in nearly three decades. Oman has extended the vote to
all adult citizens; Qatar has a new constitution; Yemen has a
multiparty political system; Kuwait has a directly elected national
assembly; and Jordan held historic elections this summer. Recent
surveys in Arab nations reveal broad support for political
pluralism, the rule of law, and free speech. These are the
stirrings of Middle Eastern democracy, and they carry the promise
of greater change to come.
As changes come to the Middle Eastern region, those with power
should ask themselves: Will they be remembered for resisting
reform, or for leading it? In Iran, the demand for democracy is
strong and broad, as we saw last month when thousands gathered to
welcome home Shirin Ebadi, the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. The
regime in Teheran must heed the democratic demands of the Iranian
people, or lose its last claim to legitimacy. (Applause.)
For the Palestinian people, the only path to independence and
dignity and progress is the path of democracy. (Applause.) And the
Palestinian leaders who block and undermine democratic reform, and
feed hatred and encourage violence are not leaders at all. They're
the main obstacles to peace, and to the success of the Palestinian
people.
The Saudi government is taking first steps toward reform, including
a plan for gradual introduction of elections. By giving the Saudi
people a greater role in their own society, the Saudi government
can demonstrate true leadership in the region.
The great and proud nation of Egypt has shown the way toward peace
in the Middle East, and now should show the way toward democracy in
the Middle East. (Applause.) Champions of democracy in the region
understand that democracy is not perfect, it is not the path to
utopia, but it's the only path to national success and
dignity.
As we watch and encourage reforms in the region, we are mindful
that modernization is not the same as Westernization.
Representative governments in the Middle East will reflect their
own cultures. They will not, and should not, look like us.
Democratic nations may be constitutional monarchies, federal
republics, or parliamentary systems. And working democracies always
need time to develop -- as did our own. We've taken a 200-year
journey toward inclusion and justice -- and this makes us patient
and understanding as other nations are at different stages of this
journey.
There are, however, essential principles common to every successful
society, in every culture. Successful societies limit the power of
the state and the power of the military -- so that governments
respond to the will of the people, and not the will of an elite.
Successful societies protect freedom with the consistent and
impartial rule of law, instead of selecting applying -- selectively
applying the law to punish political opponents. Successful
societies allow room for healthy civic institutions -- for
political parties and labor unions and independent newspapers and
broadcast media. Successful societies guarantee religious liberty
-- the right to serve and honor God without fear of persecution.
Successful societies privatize their economies, and secure the
rights of property. They prohibit and punish official corruption,
and invest in the health and education of their people. They
recognize the rights of women. And instead of directing hatred and
resentment against others, successful societies appeal to the hopes
of their own people. (Applause.)
These vital principles are being applies in the nations of
Afghanistan and Iraq. With the steady leadership of President
Karzai, the people of Afghanistan are building a modern and
peaceful government. Next month, 500 delegates will convene a
national assembly in Kabul to approve a new Afghan constitution.
The proposed draft would establish a bicameral parliament, set
national elections next year, and recognize Afghanistan's Muslim
identity, while protecting the rights of all citizens. Afghanistan
faces continuing economic and security challenges -- it will face
those challenges as a free and stable democracy. (Applause.)
In Iraq, the Coalition Provisional Authority and the Iraqi
Governing Council are also working together to build a democracy --
and after three decades of tyranny, this work is not easy. The
former dictator ruled by terror and treachery, and left deeply
ingrained habits of fear and distrust. Remnants of his regime,
joined by foreign terrorists, continue their battle against order
and against civilization. Our coalition is responding to recent
attacks with precision raids, guided by intelligence provided by
the Iraqis, themselves. And we're working closely with Iraqi
citizens as they prepare a constitution, as they move toward free
elections and take increasing responsibility for their own affairs.
As in the defense of Greece in 1947, and later in the Berlin
Airlift, the strength and will of free peoples are now being tested
before a watching world. And we will meet this test.
(Applause.)
Securing democracy in Iraq is the work of many hands. American and
coalition forces are sacrificing for the peace of Iraq and for the
security of free nations. Aid workers from many countries are
facing danger to help the Iraqi people. The National Endowment for
Democracy is promoting women's rights, and training Iraqi
journalists, and teaching the skills of political participation.
Iraqis, themselves -- police and borders guards and local officials
-- are joining in the work and they are sharing in the
sacrifice.
This is a massive and difficult undertaking -- it is worth our
effort, it is worth our sacrifice, because we know the stakes. The
failure of Iraqi democracy would embolden terrorists around the
world, increase dangers to the American people, and extinguish the
hopes of millions in the region. Iraqi democracy will succeed --
and that success will send forth the news, from Damascus to Teheran
-- that freedom can be the future of every nation. (Applause.) The
establishment of a free Iraq at the heart of the Middle East will
be a watershed event in the global democratic revolution.
(Applause.)
Sixty years of Western nations excusing and accommodating the lack
of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to make us safe --
because in the long run, stability cannot be purchased at the
expense of liberty. As long as the Middle East remains a place
where freedom does not flourish, it will remain a place of
stagnation, resentment, and violence ready for export. And with the
spread of weapons that can bring catastrophic harm to our country
and to our friends, it would be reckless to accept the status quo.
(Applause.)
Therefore, the United States has adopted a new policy, a forward
strategy of freedom in the Middle East. This strategy requires the
same persistence and energy and idealism we have shown before. And
it will yield the same results. As in Europe, as in Asia, as in
every region of the world, the advance of freedom leads to peace.
(Applause.)
The advance of freedom is the calling of our time; it is the
calling of our country. From the Fourteen Points to the Four
Freedoms, to the Speech at Westminster, America has put our power
at the service of principle. We believe that liberty is the design
of nature; we believe that liberty is the direction of history. We
believe that human fulfillment and excellence come in the
responsible exercise of liberty. And we believe that freedom -- the
freedom we prize -- is not for us alone, it is the right and the
capacity of all mankind. (Applause.)
Working for the spread of freedom can be hard. Yet, America has
accomplished hard tasks before. Our nation is strong; we're strong
of heart. And we're not alone. Freedom is finding allies in every
country; freedom finds allies in every culture. And as we meet the
terror and violence of the world, we can be certain the author of
freedom is not indifferent to the fate of freedom.
With all the tests and all the challenges of our age, this is,
above all, the age of liberty. Each of you at this Endowment is
fully engaged in the great cause of liberty. And I thank you. May
God bless your work. And may God continue to bless America.
(Applause.)
END 11:37 A.M. EST
* Central Europe
