American Education & the Transformation of Mong Community

BanguIzai SG

American Education

and the Transformation

of the Mong Community

The Mong community in the United States does not live like the community in the mountains of Laos. Oral tradition has been replaced with the concepts of written society. Institutions such as schools have introduced different characteristics of cultural and lifestyle values to the Mong community. The culture of schools builds great tension between the Mong Elders and their grandchildren. It creates a major cultural conflict within the Mong tradition. This chapter describes some of the dilemmas that the Mong Elders encounter living in the United States while the younger Mong generation is educated in American schools. The Mong who are moving into a literate culture are experiencing a loss of oral traditional customs, language and culture, and religion values.

1. The Loss of the Oral Tradition Custom’s Values

Without oral traditions we would know very little about the past of large parts of the world, and we would not know them from the inside. We also could never build up interpretations from the inside [Vansina, 1985, p. 198].

There is a significant change to the traditional customs within the Mong community. The younger generation of Mong who grow up in the United States no longer recognize the values of their parents’ and grandparents’ tradition. Research overwhelmingly indicated that Mong young people who live in the United States are resistant to their parents’ culture, but are attracted instead to the mainstream, dominant culture. Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton (1990) note that Mong children no longer have loyalty to their family unit and traditional values. Vang (1999) adds, “Hmong children adopt new customs and habits fast, contributing to the concerns of Hmong-American parents who want to retain the cultural standards which are associated with respect for and care of elders, proper socialization of children, and maintenance of family” (p. 224). The Elders stated that these issues of the younger generation devaluing their cultural tradition are becoming everyday concerns to them. The Elders are having a difficult time communicating with their grandchildren because their grandchildren are no longer interested in Mong traditional values. Mong children are becoming detached from their family and extended families due to the schools. Fifth-generation Irish American Donald Hones has written about the life story of a Mong man who lived in Chicago. Hones (1999) states:

Parents face much competition in their role as primary educators of children from mass media, other youths, and the schools. Parents who differ from the dominant society culturally, linguistically or socioeconomically often experience additional difficulties in communicating with children, who believe that to become like other Americans, they need to distance themselves from the home. When children turn their backs on these parents, they lose touch with a valuable source of learning and wisdom, and their parents may become further isolated from both their children and the dominant culture [pp. 134‒135].

The Elders said their grandchildren want to be individualistic. Timm (1994) adds that Mong children “have interpreted the American culture value of individualism to mean that they can do anything they want” (p. 43). The young Mong no longer want to listen to their parents and this type of behavior can easily get them into legal trouble with the American justice system. Adler (2000) notes that after Mong youth rejected their own culture they face an identity crisis. This lack of belonging to a cultural group causes Mong youth to seek gang affiliation. Elder Cha Shoua Hang shared his personal observation of young Mongs’ reaction to the older people:

Today, I see the young Mong children are no longer seeing their parents and grandparents are important people. They are no longer having respect to them as their parents or grandparents. They argue, have verbal fights and fight their parents. There was a father who got beat up by his sixteen year old son. The son hit his father very hard to knock him out. An ambulance had to take the father to the hospital. The police did not even do anything to the son. The son often went out to play. The father said to him not to go play so much. If he like it then his father will teach him how to play the qeej. The son talked back to father using English to say bad words to father and about the Mong tradition. The father and the son exchanged a few words then the son knocked his father out. Once in a while I heard similar cases like this happened in here in Sacramento, Stockton, Fresno, Minnesota, Wisconsin, etc. Every time we bring up about our culture tradition to our young people, they often reject them. They said our culture is too dumb and we should not force them to live like the way we live. We are losing our children into gang violence in this American society [personal communication, Sacramento, California].

The Elders stated that living in the United States is like living in a prison (nyob huv nkuaj ua tuab neeg tsaug txwim). They cannot go places without having someone who knows the American system to help them. They always depend on other people such as their children and grandchildren to go shopping, visit friends, and go to the doctors. In America, they have to learn everything from the beginning like when they were small children. Elder Lee Xiong shared that she did not know how to make the video machine work. Her grandchildren have to assist her when she wants to watch a Mong movie. The Elders felt like they are worthless living in this country because they no longer can do the things they love doing on the mountains of Laos. Faderman (1998) elaborates on how the Mong Elders felt living in the United States:

The elders often feel robbed of their power because they don’t know how to maneuver in this strange country. It’s hard to present yourself as a wise man if your sons and daughters have to teach you how to cross the street or dial the phone. The elders feel they have been reduced to helpless children, as they so often complain. Nor can grandparents generally serve in their traditional roles as revered old members of the household who share their wisdom with their sons and hand down to their grandchildren the fascinating lore of the past [p. 164].

The Elders responded that people are monitored like prisoners in this country. There is too much control in the United States. The Americans use the social security number and other identification to track people like they are not human. Also, people have to have a permit in order to do things such a building a house, opening a business, cutting firewood, fishing, hunting, etc. In addition, people are no longer recognized by skills without school credentials. In this case illiterate people are no longer important to this literate society. The Elders stated that freedom in the United States has not given them the types of lives on the mountains of Laos. Freedom in America does not apply to people who came from an oral tradition and did not have literate skills. The Elders indicated that their skills and knowledge are not validated in this literate society. A lack of understanding about the important oral traditional values makes the Mong elders feel that they have no support for traditional culture conservation. The Elders expressed that freedom in America is only good for the people who have written knowledge and who are willing to assimilate to the American culture. Thao (1999b, 2003) notes that freedom in America is like a dead end road to the Mong parents. The law in America operates very differently than in the mountains of Laos. Mong parents can no longer raise their children the way they did in their homeland. Law enforcement, child protective services (CPS) and school personnel must understand the Mong traditional perspectives in order for Mong parents to trust the America system (Thao, 1999b, 2003). The Elders made similar comments that support Thao’s research. They said the Americans do not understand the Mong values. For this reason, Americans place negative stereotypes on the way the Mong operate their customary traditions.

The Elders felt that the Americans should tolerate the Mong traditional marriage. The Mong need to maintain their traditional wedding ceremony in order for the younger generation to identify the Mong unique custom. Mong children no longer know how to address the Elders, members of their patrilineal clans, relatives and friends. They are losing the kinship structure. The custom of Mong traditional marriage is to keep their kinship ties. Elder Nhia Cha Yang explained how marriage establishes the kinship relationships:

In my culture, if your son or daughter married then they bridge the two clans to becomeneej tsaab (meaning relatives). Every member of the bride’s side of family or clan become relatives to the groom and his side of family. For example, you (the researcher), your mother is a Yang clan. Your mother relates to me either as my sister, aunt or niece depending on the generation. In this case, without talking to your mother to know for sure how we call each other. Your mother is about the same age as me so you (the researcher) can call me as your uncle. This same method is used in the Mong society to keep our close kin relationships. You (the researcher) and my son Txwj Nruag (Chou Choua) are kwv tij (meaning brother) not by clan membership but by your mother’s kin. Our children need to know this unique custom so they can recognize their grandparents’ and parents’ side of family. This way, they become lost from not knowing who they are [personal communication, Banning, California].

It is important not to misunderstand or misinterpret the custom of Mong marriage in the way the bride’s parents collect the nqe tshoob (bride price). This bride price (dowry) is like a security deposit. In the United States, some families used cash as bride price because they no longer have the dowries in Laos. It does not mean that the parents sell their daughter to get the money. American money works the same way as dowries on the mountains of Laos. If the bride had a happy marriage then the bride’s parents can keep the dowry, or if there is an unresolved family dispute and it’s the husband’s fault, then the bride’s family can take their daughter back and keep the bride price. All the gifts given by the bride’s parents and close family members are considered as valuable property which can be collected back by the bride’s parents if the husband divorces the bride. Davidson (1993) adds that these household goods the bride received are to help her begin a new life. If the bride divorces her husband then her parents need to return the bride price to the husband’s family. The husband is allowed to keep all the gifts. Chindarsi’s (1976) research on the Mong in northern Thailand did not look into the deeper meaning and purposes of Mong marriage. He said the Mong buy their wives and sell their daughters, and he discredited the Mong polygamous marriage. Chindarsi (1976) did not have a direct English translation fo the Mong phrase yuav qos puj (getting married) and he said “buying a wife.” “This meaning of this word indicated that a wife is considered a form of property, which can be bought and sold the same as any other property” (Chindarsi, 1976, p. 67). The Elders did not support this concept of buying a wife. They said outside people do not understand the Mong customs. Geddes (1976) stated, “To persons who are not anthropologists familiar with such systems the high bride-price may give the impression that women are bought and sold like chattels” (p. 58).

The Elders expressed tremendous concern about the Mong younger generation losing the sacred knowledge to perform at the Mong wedding ceremony and the important values of their traditional marriage customs. Traditional marriage customs help the married couple to have a strong marriage because they maintain a tie to families and clans. The Elders said the Mong young people who live in the United States have different attitudes about marriage. These changing marital attitudes cause them to worry about the future of the Mong younger generation to keep a strong family. The Elders began to see an increase in divorce in the community involved with the Mong younger generation because they no longer have the Mong values. Thao’s (1999b, 2003) research in the Mong community in the California North Coast also has noted that the phenomena of family separation, single parents and divorced parents are on the rise. Traditional wedding customs need to be preserved so the bride’s family and groom’s family can continue to help secure the marriage. Elder Xao Cheng Lee described the Mong traditional marriage:

Marriage is a life commitment to my people. But, now our young people view marriage like buying a car. If they decide not to keep their marriage, they just walk away. It’s like you buying a new car to drive for a few years, when a new model come out and it’s better. Then, you trade in your old one for a newer model or sell your old car then buy a new one. These Mong young people’s marriage is like that. Mong marriage is not like a game. When you decided to marry that person, you live with that person until the day you die. You cannot sell your wife or husband. You cannot just walk away to marry another person. The Mong young people living in America do not understand the meaning of marriage. This is the reason why in this society, Mong begin to have divorce problem. In my country, our marriage is very strong and we do not have as many divorces as in America. This increase in divorce problems in the Mong community in America is very disturbing to me [personal communication, Merced, California].

It is a shocking experience for the Mong Elders to see these rapid changes in the Mong marriage within the last three decades. The Elders indicated that these changes have increasingly become a major interference to the Mong traditional customs and belief systems. Meredth and Rowe (1986) concluded a study on how the impact of a new culture affected the Mong marital relationship:

The Lao Hmong can anticipate further change in attitudes towards marriage as their residence in the United States lengthens and they come under increasing Western influence through the educational system, the media and personal relationships with those of the new culture.

Faderman (1998) notes that there are big changes in the Mong culture since they have come to live in the Western world. The young people want to be like Americans but the parents still keep their Mong tradition. These different cultural values divide their family. TImm (1994) who has studied Mong families in Wisconsin asserts that:

The clan continues to have a major influence on Hmong social values and that the primary ideological conflict between Hmong culture and American culture is a focus on the family as compared with an emphasis on individual freedom. This issue of the family vis-á-vis the individual is impacting decision-making, personal activities, marriage choices, and traditional roles of women. The tug between these two value orientations is at the heart of the Hmong dilemma in the United States and is causing problems within families, across generations, and in the Hmong community [p. 37].

Faderman writes a Mong college student’s story about dating in America:

But even then I would not have anything like an American date with her. To you — to Americans — to date is to get to know each other on the first date. But in our culture, we have to have the girl’s parents’ permission, and then we can get to know her in her house. There is just not such a thing as a real American-style “date” like going out alone together. And even if we can go to her house, we are almost never alone with her. If the mother cannot sit there, she will have one of the brothers or sisters sit with us. So you can see that privacy for us dating couples is definitely not the same as for Americans [p. 136].

Western researchers Chindarsi (1976), Cooper (1984), Scott (1986), Davidson (1993), Faderman (1998) and Cooper (1998) state that Mong marriage custom is done by force such as kidnapping and stealing. The Elders said researchers do not understand the Mong method of marriage. There are two types of marriage arrangements that the Mong use in their marriage custom. Nqeg tsev yuav, meaning the groom and his family enter the bride’s home to bargain for the marriage arrangement with her parents. Through this method the groom and his family give to the bride and her side of family the highest respect. The bride who marries through a nqej tsev yuav has the greatest honor. Her parents, grandparents, siblings, uncles and aunts are treated nicely and this makes them have good faith in the bride’s marriage life. Also, this method does not make the bride and her side of the family lose face. The other method is yuav ntsau los yog qaab ki pob as the groom kidnaps the bride. The Elders who are women said even if the bride is willing to marry, she has to pretend that she is not during the wedding arrangement. If she did not pretend to make it difficult for the groom and his family then rumors would start going around that she is a whore. Therefore, she can easily lose face as well as her parents. Also, there are lesser dowries paid for the bride price when the marriage was arranged through yuav ntsau los yog qaab kiv pob and/or a simple arrangement. People tend to go for a wedding arrangement that costs fewer dowries. The Elders said mostly people want to maintain their good reputation. The bride and groom must have some kind of discussion about how they are going to get married without breaking each other’s reputation. If the marriage arrangement does not work out, then both can lose face as well as have a bad reputation. The young people whose marriages fail or have a divorce history often end up marrying a person who is older or who has a previous marriage. It is more difficult for the women than men to find a partner if they have a bad reputation. In this case, sometimes the women become a wife to an older man who is a widower or become a second wife.

Chindarsi (1976), Geddes (1976), Cooper (1984), Scott (1986), Davidson (1993), Fadiman (1997), Faderman (1989) and Cooper (1998) note that the Mong have a polygamous marriage when the men take two or more wives. There is a lack of understanding of the values and reasons why some Mong men had more than one wife. Geddes (1976) defines Mong polygamy as “additional wives are gained by economic success which in turn they facilitate” (p. 128). However, the Elders explained that some Mong men married more than one wife because their first wife did not have children or did not give birth to sons. In the Mong tradition, the sons’s roles are to look after and take care of the parents and carry on the family sacred tradition and rituals. Also, Mong need a larger family so they can produce more resources for the family and extended family. The more family members, the more people who can work in the plantation and do chores around the house. Also, the men have no choice but to take their older brothers’ wives as second wives so the family does not lose the children. Fadiman (1997) quotes Yang Dao who is a Mong scholar about the practice of polygamy:

The institution of levirate marriage, in which a widow was expected to wed her dead husband’s younger brother, was also revived. This practice kept the children and the inheritance in their father’s clan but often saddled the new husband, who might well be fifteen years old or have ten children already, with crushing responsibilities [p. 135].

Elder Ying Yang shared that she had to marry her husband’s brother after her husband died. She had no choice because her husband’s side of family does not want to lose her and the children. If her brother-in-law was not willing to accept the responsibility to be the stepfather of Elder Ying Yang’s children, as a widow, she could have married any man she wanted and could have taken the children with her. If she married a man outside the family, then all her children were no longer part of the family. The Elder contested that according to the American culture this is polygamy. However, polygamy does not bother the Elders because they believe that keeping the family and the children in their biological father’s clan is more important than having one wife. Elder Ying Yang described the ritual her brother-in-law has to go through in order to take her as his second wife:

The night before my husband’s burial, my brother-in-law bowed and paid respect to my husband and said that he would look after my children and I. My brother-in-law also stand in front of all the elders, his family and my family to make promise that he will provide shelter, love, food and take good care of my children and I. I did not really want to marry my own brother-in-law because he already had a wife and children. During this time I did not know what to do because after my husband died was like the rood of my house falling down. I no longer have a house. My children are too small. My oldest child was about thirteen years old. My two sons are eight and five years old. They are not ready to help me. My side of family and my husband’s side of family encourage me to accept this marriage because I need a man to look after my family. I do not have a husband then people will not respect my children and I. My life will be very difficult. I married to my brother-in-law but we do not have a strong love. I was too old for him. I lived with him ans his family for a few years. When my sons grow up and they are able to help me then my children and I moved out to live in a different house. My oldest son got married when he was about fourteen or fifteen. I pushed him to get a wife so he can become the head of the house. In Laos, on my mountains fourteen and fifteen year old boys are fully mature like a young adult. They were not like the boys who grew up in America. When my sons and daughters were in their teens they could do adult tasks whereas in America my grandchildren who are fourteen or fifteen years old still have the young children’s attitudes [personal communication, Montclair, California].

The Elders argued that it is not only the Mong who have two or more wives. People in other cultures also married more than one wife. Finnegan (1967) asserts that in the Limba society people take two or more wives because that is a wish of the culture for the men.

The Elders expressed great concerns about losing their traditional customs in the Mong community to the American culture. They said customary values are to maintain family, clan members and outside clan relationships. The Mong children have the Western culture influence through school and they begin to rebel against their own culture. A well-known Brazilian researcher Paulo Freire (1993) states, “The invaders impose their own view of the world upon those they invaded and inhibit the creativity of the invaded by curbing their expression” (p. 133). Those that are invaded are the objects of the dominators. The oppressed are swallowed up in the world of the oppressor, or at least, the world that they have created for them. Freire (1993) adds, “For cultural invasion to succeed, it is essential that those invaded become convinced of their intrinsic inferiority” (p. 134). Cultural revolution is the antithesis of cultural invasion. It is the effot at conscientizacao, to raise people to a critical consciousness of their reality. He notes, “Cultural revolution develops the practice of permanent dialogue between leaders and people, and consolidates the participation of the people of power” (p. 141). It is through dialogue and communication that a true revolution can succeed. Paulo Freire’s comments fit the predicament faced by the Mong Elders and their grandchildren.

The Mong younger generation no longer believe their customs. Therefore, it is very difficult for the older and younger generations to engage into a level of conversation that can help the young people to understand their traditional custom values. Elder Mai Vang shared her feelings about the changes of behaivors of her grandchildren:

My grandchildren no longer believe me. They said I lied. When I began to talk to them about my customs they started to walk away. Sometimes, they told me to stop preaching about my culture to them. They said they really tired to hear me keep telling them about how important my culture is. They yelled to me using English words. I did not know what they said, but probably they were bad words. I could tell by the look of their expression and their reaction. Also, they have the same attitudes to their parents when their parents ask them to learn the Mong culture. My grandchildren no longer like to eat Mong food, listen to Mong songs, to watch Mong movies, to wear Mong cloths and to speak Mong. I felt very sad about the way our grandchildren behave in this country. On my mountains in Laos, children listened to their parents, grandparents, older siblings, uncles and aunts. They respected what the elders told them. In America, if you do not listen to the children they will call the police on you. Living in America is very difficult especially for an old person like myself [personal communication, Long Beach, California].

The Elders made a strong statement that if the Mong younger generation lose their traditional custom values, then they are cultureless in this country. They no longer have a cultural integrity to define their identity, roots and tradition. Therefore, they will no longer identify as peb yog ib tsob Moob, meaning us united as Mong, whereas they will become mej yog lee-jtwg, meaning who are you? they or them.

BanguIzai SG

2. Language and Culture Loss

The phenomenon is familiar one in the United States. It is the story of countless American immigrants and native children and adults who have lost their ethnic languages in the process of becoming linguistically assimilated into the English-speaking world of the school and society [Wong-Fillmore, 1991, p. 324].

This section describes the issue of language and culture loss faced by Mong children from the perspective of the Mong Elders. The issue of language and culture discontinuity is increasingly becoming another major concern to the Mong Elders. This is an important theme the Elders and I dialogue about — the phenomenon that caused the Mong children to lose their primary language and culture. The Elders told me that the Mong children living in America lose a whole lot of the Mong language and culture. Now, the majority of Mong children no longer can carry a Mong conversation with their parents and grandparents. The Elders say that when they speak Mong to their grandchildren, most common responses are either a smile back, a shake of the head or shoulder or Kuv tsis puab (I don’t know). These reactions tell the Elders that most Mong children no longer know the Mong language and they no longer understand it. Lee (1999) has conducted a statistical study on second-generation Mong teenagers’ language maintenance and language shift in Stanislaus County, California. He has concluded that the Mong teenagers have a major language shift to English rather than maintaining the Mong language because they need to acquire English to survive in an English-dominated society. English has been a frequently spoken language by the second-generation Mong teenagers and they do not have the proficiency in their native language (Lee, 1999). Young and Tran (1999) found that Vietnamese in America face a similar language shift. They state “The longer a family lived in the United States, the greater the shift toward English use (from all Vietnamese, to bilingualism, to English only)” (Young and Tran, 1999, p. 80).

Elder Xao Cheng Lee described that the biggest problem for Mong children unable to maintain their language and culture is that they do not understand the real values behind the Mong cultural tradition. Mong children are put into school at a very young age and it creates an early separation between the language and culture of their parents. As these children grow older they have mixed messages about their parents’ language and culture as being educated in schools. The schools’ culture values are not similar to the Mong. Morrow (1989) did a study on the Southeast Asian communities in the United States, which supports the idea that Southeast Asian communities have different culture values, behaviors and beliefs from most of the Americans. Morrow (1989) also has noted “many Southeast-Asian cultural values differ from American values. In almost every area, including child-rearing, family relationships, interpersonal communication, and even basic philosophy of life, there are often vast differences” (p. 291). Elder Xao Cheng Lee said:

Once the Mong children reach their ages of thirty or forty then they will begin to realize what happened to them. Now, I try to explain to my grandchildren about the importance of Mong language and culture but they do not listen to me. When there are Mong traditional ceremonies I encourage my grandchildren to go watch so they can understand what is happening. They do not want to go. I see that my grandchildren are no longer interested in speaking Mong because they are being pushed to learn English too soon and they lose the Mong mother tongue quickly. When they speak Mong, they do have the right vocabulary so they do not even force themselves to try it. One day, they will feel guilty for not being able to speak Mong. Right now, as an elder, the Mong children think what I tell them is not true [personal communication, Merced, California].

Elder Cha Shoua Hang expressed similar concerns:

My children and grandchildren often communicate to each other in English. When I speak to them in Mong they respond to me using Mong mixed with English. If I don’t listen to it carefully I do not know what they mean. I ask them to speak Mong with me. They told me that Mong is too hard and it is no longer important to them. When I question them why they said Mong is no longer important, they do not give any answer and they just stare at me. As I keep talking to them they walk away from me. It is hard to establish a conversation with my grandchildren because once I begin to talk to them they begin to walk away [personal communication, Sacramento, California].

Elder Nhia Cha Yang says that when he took his grandchildren to be his interpreter he noticed they do not understand Mong. Elder Nhia Cha Yang’s grandchildren cannot translate English into Mong and also Mong to English. He said, “The Mong children do not know the Mong words so as they speak they cannot differentiate the right way to say” (personal communication, Banning, California). Elder Nhia Cha Yang stated that he would rather have a Mong person who came to the United States during his young adulthood or an older age to be his interpreter. This person may not have a strong English skill, but he/she is still able to understand Mong language. Thao (1999b) has argued that being a translator is not an easy task:

It is not that you are bilingual and you can be an effective interpreter. An interpreter must know what is right and what is wrong in the message in which needs to be translated to both parties. The most important role for a translator is to build trust with the Mong parents and let them know that he/she is there to help them. An effective Mong interpreter must maintain a good conversation between the Mong parents and teachers without having one getting angry with another or turning them off because the translation gets lost [p. 63].

Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton (1990) assert that using Mong children as interpreters creates a major problem because they do not have the language skills to understand the terminology doctors or professional people use. Therefore, it causes more difficulties not only for the parents but the children as well.

Elder Phoua Her stated that when she is cooking and she asks her grandchildren to go get a lemon grass plant out of a garden in their backyard to put into the food, her grandchildren do not know what a lemon grass plant is. They go out to the garden and bring her green onion. Mong called lemon grass plant “Tauj Qab.” She said she had taken her grandchildren outside and shown them the plant. A few days later, when she asked them to go get the plant again, they forgot the name. Elder Phoua Her thinks that Mong children are losing the Mong language because they have little time to be around their elders and parents. Also, the Mong children do not practice speaking Mong often at home. Lee (1999) finds that Mong teenagers speak English more than speaking Mong at home. Elder Phoua Her described that her grandchildren use English all the time at home such as reading books, doing homework, playing games, watching television or going outside to play with friends. When she tries to teach them Mong they show no strong feeling to learn the Mong language from her. Elder Phoua Her expressed, “I think the teachers train our children to focus only on English so they can do well in school but schools do not help the Mong children much when they come back to the Mong community. They no longer know how to speak and understand Mong” (personal communication, Susan City, California). Crawford (1993) has argued:

The foundation of the current American education program is based on the assimilation theory. This theory has resulted in the rejection of home communities and ways of responding by generations of learners from culturally diverse populations in order to gain educational access [p. 3].

Elder Tong Yao Her responded that when a guest comes to his houes his grandchildren no longer know how to greet them. When it is time to eat, his grandchildren no longer know how to call their guest to come eat with them. He said the Mong children are afraid of the Mong Elders because they cannot speak with them. When Mong children see the Elders such as their uncles, aunts and grandparents coming into the house they run to hide. Elder Tong Yao Her described:

When I go to visit my oldest son Boua Xue (Npuag Xub), his children are afraid of me and they do not stay around to talk to me or when I call his house and my grandchildren answer the phone. I said in Mong, your parents home? Then the phone just goes silent and I repeat myself several times “Koj puav nov, Koj puav nov,” meaning you hear me, you hear me. If my son or daughter-in-law is home then they come to the phone. If they are not home then I heard a voice say “No,” then the phone hangs up. When I see my grandchildren I remind them that if people call and they want to talk to your parents and if they are not home you do not say “No.” You need to say, “Kuv nam hab kuv txiv tsis nyob lawn os, puab moog tsua nuav tsua nuav lawn,” meaning my mother and father are not home. They went to this place or to that place [personal communication, San Diego, California].

Elder Lee Xiong added that her grandchildren no longer called her and their parents in Mong. She constantly reminds them to call their father, “Kuv Iv,” mother, “Kuv Nam” and grand mom, “Kuv Puj.” It is hard for her grandchildren to remember these words because they are so used to the English words “Daddy,” “Mommy” and “Grand Mom.”

The conversations with the Elders about their concerns and perspectives of the Mong children’s language loss help us to understand the deeper meaning of this issue: it creates a cultural discontinuity in the Mong society. The Elders are the only generation that knows how to conduct Mong rituals, knows the Mong sacred chants, values the Mong traditional customs and speaks fluently in Mong. During the conversations, the Elders expressed their sadness to see the Mong children abandon their cultural values and beliefs system. The Elders worry about losing all the sacred knowledge that Mong have to know in order to honor their own souls, the souls of their ancestors and the souls inside their home and the souls of nature since the children are no longer proficient in Mong. The Elders told me that when the Mong language is lost then their knowledge is also lost. Again, the Elders are losing communication power to their grandchildren. They do not speak English and they are not recognized in the English-only speaking communities and institutions. In this case, their children or grandchildren are taking over the role of the Mong parents and grandparents. The Elders felt that they are becoming worthless people to their grandchildren and the Americans. Davidson (1993) states: “Because of this situation within their homes, Hmong teenagers sometimes perceive themselves to be very important because usually they are the only ones who are able to read, write and speak English. They see themselves as the link to the outside world.” (p. 151).

Tollefson (1991) has conducted research on Southeast Asian refugees. He said that Southeast Asian children face serious communication problems with their adults because they adopt new behaviors and values while being in school and learning English. Tollefson (1991) asserts, “Thus, children gain exceptional power through their ability to speak English, while adults lose authority and resent the changes they see taking place within families increasingly out of their control” (p. 109). Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton (1990) did a study about the Mong refugees in Southern California using a fictitious Hmong community called La Playa. They added to this notion that:

The stress and difficulties associated with adapting to city life in a new country are common to all the refugee families in La Playa who have to acquire not only a new language and new skills, but a radically different perception of the world. This perceptual change is necessary in order for the Hmong to understand life from a new cultural perspective. Many circumstances influence Hmong families’ ability to cope with the change in values, the new experiences, and the pace of acculturation. Undoubtedly the school plays a key role in the socialization of Hmong families to an American lifestyle and English literacy [Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton, 1990, p. 74].

Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton’s (1990) research has stated that Mong children face the greatest cultural conflict in school and at home. Mong children feel isolated in school because the school culture is extremely different from that of their home. They feel the same pressure at home because they do not fully have the Mong traditional culture in place.

According to Soto (1997): “Elements of power can be viewed as intervening within community contexts that value or devalue home languages and cultures. Coercive power is capable of imposing oppression, abuse, inequity, and totalitarianism, and of violating human rights and freedoms” (p. 84). Darder (1991), whose work focuses on language, culture, critical pedagogy, and democratic schooling, notes that “in order to understand the relationship between culture and power we must also comprehend the dynamics that exist between what is considered truth (or knowledge) and power” (p. 27). Delgado-Gaitan (1990) has conducted a longitudinal study of Mexican families’ involvement and literacy empowerment in American schools. Her research found that American school policies apply differently to Mexican and immigrant families who do not have formal schooling background: “School rules and norms regarding the parents’ role comprise a cultural expectation that is different from the experience of many Mexican parents. This was especially true for those parents who are immigrants from rural areas, where schooling was not accesible to them” (Delgado-Gaitan, 1990, p. 122).

The statements described by Soto, Darder and Delgado-Gaitan relate the obstacls the Mong Elders shared in their stories about their struggles with living in America. The Mong Elders explained that since they do not read, write and speak in English or read and write in their own language, they are hoping the Mong children will help them to find a way to preserve the Mong language and culture which are passed down orally. When Mong children become literate in this written society they oppress the Elders. Elder Lee Xiong explained how her grandchildren react to her when she encourages them to use Mong in the house: “When I tell them to speak Mong, they scold at me to not continuously tell them what to speak. They do not want to hear me” (personal communication, Stockton, California).

Wong-Fillmore has conducted research focused on the language and culture loss that minority children experience when learning English. She argues children as young as three to four years old begin to drop their primary language once they are enrolled in school to learn English. Wong-Fillmore (1991) states, “Language minority children encounter powerful forces for assimilation as soon as they enter the English-speaking world of the classroom in the society’s school” (p. 324). Wong-Fillmore (1991) has noted that since children are losing their primary language, the parents who are not bilingual have a very difficult time carrying on a conversation with their children, whereas the parents who are bilingual do not have this problem because they are able to switch their understanding while the children switch their language. In the case of these Mong Elders, if the Mong children use a combination of Mong and English, then the communication quickly breaks down. The Elders do not speak and understand English.

Wong-Fillmore (1991) has stated that when the families experience conversation breakdown it becomes a tragedy. The parents begin to lose their authority over their children. Liu (1995) adds that since Mong parents do not understand the American systems or speak English the Mong teenagers gain control and authority over the family. The Elders indicated that their grandchildren have no respect for them. Wong-Fillmore (1991) notes that is is important for teachers to be aware of the consequences of actions such as teachers encouraging parents and students to speak English at home, because this will destroy the students’ family relationship. Losing the primary language can be harmful to students and parents, so teachers need to encourage them to speak their native language at home. Lisa Delpit (1995) elaborates what teachers should do to help the students whose cultures are different from the school: “First, they should recognize that the linguistic form a student brings to school is intimately connected with loved ones, community, and personal identity” (p. 53).

The Mong Elders said Mong children’s language changes rapidly and they believe that the children learn this from schools. Schools provide the information that changes Mong children’s view of the Mong language and culture beliefs. Children no longer want to listen to their parents. Parents cannot get them to help with house chores or to assist them to do work that relates to the Mong culture. The Elders stated that Mong children have bizarre attitudes toward their culture. Sometime children requested their parents to pay them for their services. If the parents do not pay them, then they will not complete the tasks. Also, the Elders indicated Mong children begin to refuse to eat their traditional food. Children like to eat out and no longer want to cook their own food. They also no longer want to wear Mong costume during traditional social functions. Elder Xao Cheng Lee described that when Mong children use pigs, chickens and cows for ritual purpose or went to get fresh meats such as to tua npua (butcher pigs) and tua nyooj (butcher cows) at the chaw tua (butcher house), Mong children said what Mong eat is too gross. They do not want to eat the meats. They would rather buy food at the stores or restaurants where doctors had checked the meats to be sure there are no diseases. Vang’s (1999) research supports the Elder Xao Cheng Lee’s comments: “Some young Hmong children tend to favor English over Hmong and prefer hamburgers, tacos, and hot dogs to traditional food. Young Hmong children, in adpoting American culture, become more expressive” (Vang, 1999, p. 225).

The Elders said the majority of Mong children rebel against anything that involves values of Mong traditional culture. When the Elders teach their grandchildren about Mong culture, the children no longer believe them. The Elders expressed that it does not matter how hard the Mong Elders and Mong parents try to encourage, Mong children will not be convinced to come back and learn the Mong language and culture. The Mong children place greater value on their schoolwork and the American culture because they are completely surrounded by American values. In the home, they listen to American songs, watch television programs that speak English, access information on the computer only in English. At school, they learn only about American culture and language.

Hayes’s (1984) research stated that the older Mong parents are depressed because the children going to school to learn the American way has made Mong children respect the parents less. The Elders said the brains of Mong children are clouded with all the schools’ information. They no longer understand why it is important to maintain the Mong tradition in order to continue receiving guidance and protection from the souls of their ancestors. The Mong children living in this country do not know anything about how important the spirits can be to help them or to hurt them. These children tend to think in linear ways and believe in the things they learn from schools. Hayes (1984) contends, “Since schools are now taking care of the children’s education, they feel less in control of their family. In essence, the fact that the children rely more heavily on school has reduced their influence” (p. 93).

BanguIzai SG

3. Religious Conflict

Religion, too, played an important role in traditional Hmong life. Unlike other ethnic minority groups that incorporated the Buddhist beliefs of the lowland Lao during their residence in Laos, the Hmong (until Christianity was introduced) retained a traditional belief system based on animism and ancestor worship … Ritual ceremonies were associated with daily and calendrical activities, life-cycle critical events and crises [Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton, 1990, p. 24].

The Mong living in the United States face a major religious conflict within the Mong community and outside community. A lack of understanding Mong traditional religion practices by the Americans, Mong children and the Mong family who converted to Christianity creates negative criticism about the Mong religion. The Elders stated that it has been very difficult for the Mong to practice their traditional religious rituals in the United States, because their religious leaders such as the Shaman, Medicine Women or Men, Wedding Negotiator (Mej Koob) and other spiritual healers do not have credentials like the Americans. Therefore, they cannot practice their religion in public. They are always careful during their religious ritual not to disturb the neighbors. They are becoming vulnerable when someone calls the police on them while they have their religion rituals. Elder Cha Shoua said he had to obtain a permit in order to practice his Shaman ritual. He paid two hundred dollars to an organization for a piece of paper to prove that he is a Shaman. He explained:

If someone call the police on me while I perform my ritual then I can show the police officers my paper. I do not know whether this paper is a legal permit or not. The people who work in the organization said this paper is a legal permit. Now, the Shamans are getting this permit. The organization is located in Fresno, the people who work in this organization are Mong. They told me that their organization works with the American Civil Liberties Union (ALCU) organization. They got this permit approved from the city of Fresno and are working on it to get approved by the state of California [personal communication, Sacramento, California].

American John Ensign (1994) has written a doctoral dissertation on the Mong traditional healing of nine Shamans who live in Fresno, California. He described that the American neighbors often created problems for the Mong over their traditional healing practice. Neighbors harassed the Mong by calling the police while the family has a ceremony. Ensign has stated that most of his participants move frequently because of the problem they encounter with Shamanic ceremonies. Ensign (1994) asserts, “Several described conflicts with the majority society regarding traditional healing and cited past harassment by police and neighbors as the reason they routinely pulled the curtains and locked the door prior to ceremonies” (p. 125). The Shaman who lives in a predominantly Mong neighbourhood does not have this problem (Ensign, 1994). Elder Boua Tong spoke about this issue of neighbor complaints:

When I lived in an apartment my next door neighbors were not Mong. It was very hard for me to perform my Shaman ritual. At one time, one of the neighbors called the police to come to my house. The policemen said my family is making too much noise. Also, my neighbor saw people bring in live pigs to kill in my house. I did not speak English but my nephew translated it for me. I said to the police officers, it is not that I like to make noise or like to bring live animals to kill in the house. It is my culture, my religion, which I must do. I do not do this every day or every month. I have this ceremony only once in a while. Also, I did not kill the animal in a brutal way. I respect the animal and its spirit the same way as people. Before the animal is killed, I burn paper money to the animal’s spirit and also apologize for taking the animal’s life to sacrifice for my ancestors’ spirits or for the evil spirits. My neighbor does not understand my culture and they assumed that I tortured the animals. The police officers gave me a warning and also suggested that next time I was going to do something noisy make sure I let my neighbors know. Then, they left. A few months after this incident, I told my son Choua Xue (Ntsuab Xwm) that we need to find a different place to live. Then, we found this place. It was a house and these neighbors were very nice. I lived here for over nine years and no one has called the police on me [personal communication, Sacramento, California].

A journalist, Kie Relyea (1994) has written a newspaper article about Mong’s religious sacrifice of animals in Eureka, California. She has quoted Thao who is a Mong advocate:

When animals are sacrificed during Hmong religious ceremonies, the rituals are performed humanely and with the deepest respect … The Hmong, refugees from Laos, believe all living things have spirits. When an animal’s life is taken, the gift must be acknowledged [p. A1].

Ensign (1994) asserts that the Mong Shamans have great concern over the restrictions of the laws in the United States to use animal sacrifice for traditional healing practice. This is an issue that causes the disappearance of Mong traditional healing practice in the United States.

Mong religion also suffers under the consequence of the Western health care system and religious belief. The Elders stated that in the nature of illness, there are many possible things that can cause a person to get sick, such as by the spirits, diseases or organic matter. When the spirits cause a symptom, then medicines cannot cure it. In this case, physicians are not able to treat the patient and only a Shaman or other spiritual leaders can. Fadiman’s (1997) research has stated that cultural beliefs, misunderstanding and miscommunication between the Mong’s tradition and U.S. modern society has created a major conflict over health issues. She has described a controversial issue that involved a Mong child called Lia in Merced, California, who had a serious illness. Lia’s medical doctors said she had epilepsy. Lia needed to have brain surgery and to be treated with modern medicine. Lia’s parents and the Mong Elders believed that her symptom was qaug dlaab peg, which means an evil spirit had inhabited her body. Every time Lia fell down and was knocked unconscious, it was believed that an evil spirit had entered her body to harm her soul. Lia’s illness exemplified a serious culture clash between Mong traditional beliefs and Western beliefs related to the cause of illness (Fadiman, 1997).

Researchers Bliatout (1986), Lemoine (1986), Thao (1986), O’Connor (1995) and Thao (2002) also note that the Mong’s perception of illness is very different from the Western societies where an influence of medical treatment can result in problems. A belief in Western health care treatment someimtes causes conflict with the Mong traditional healing arts (Bliatout, 1986). The Elders stated that the American health care providers are good, but they have to recognize the Mong spiritual beliefs too. In this way when the American doctors cannot diagnose what causes the illness, a Mong Shaman or spiritual practitioner can be called in to perform the Mong traditional religious healing ceremony to determine whether it is the spirits that are making the person ill. The Elders indicated that sometimes a person is very ill but has no temperature; then the American doctors cannot determine what causes the illness, especially for small children. A sickness like this one needs a Shamn or spiritual healer to come in to help find out what caused the problem. Elder Cha Shoua described his Shaman spirits who guide him to understand how to diagnose a sick person:

When I felt the person’s pulse on their wrist or felt their temperature by touching the ears sometime the spirits tell me what is wrong with this person. Usually, when a person is sick and you feel the lower part of the ears are cold then this person is ceeb (a major frightening moment caused disturbance to the spirit to make the person sick). When I cannot determine the symptom then I have to ua neeb saib, meaning to perform a Shaman ritual to find out the cause of illness [personal communication, Sacramento, California].

The Elders stated that if a sickness is not caused by the body or diseases then a Shaman or spiritual healers can almost be certain about what kinds of spirits caused the illness by looking, touching or performing a Shamanic session called ua neeb saib to see the patient. Tapp (1989) added “ua neeb saib,” for his diagnosis, which requires no sacrifice and can be performed at anytime” (p. 76). A Shaman’s ua neeg saib does not require a sacrifice of an animal ‒ only the ua neeg khu, meaning healing ritual does. The Elders said the spirits that make people ill could be the dlaab vaaj dlaab tsev puj yawn txwv txoob los dlaab qus (the house spirits, ancestors’ spirits or the evil spirits).

The Elders also said the surgery procedures performed by the Western doctors are sometimes harmful to the spirits. According to O’Connor (1995) the soul of the person will not be able to reincarnate if a part of the body is missing. In the Mong cosmology, they have a religious myth that a body and a soul cannot be separated. If something harms the spirit then it causes sickness to the human body (Chindarsi, 1965; Geddes, 1976; Bliatout, 1986; Lemoine, 1986; Thao, 1986; Symonds, 1991; Cooper, 1998; Thao, 2002). The Elders stated that if a dead body is missing a body part, it is very difficult for the soul to depart to the ancestors’ world. Therefore, this dead person’s soul becomes a demon and returns to make members of the living family sick and possibly die. If a member of the family dies, then his or her soul is taking over the place of the soul of a recently dead family member who has a missing body part. This soul will continue to cause a family curse. A Shaman ritual must be performed to help guide the soul that cannot depart to the ancestors’ world. The spirits of Shaman help this demon soul to find its way to the after world so it can be reincarnated. O’Connor (1995) adds that if a body part of a dead person is missing, then the person’s ghost may return after death to look for its original parts as well as to cause illness or misfortune to the living family members. Elder Chai Xiong said she does not like what doctors do to the dead body. She explained:

I do not like it when doctors take out the dead people’s brain, eyes and intestines. They should leave the dead bodies alone. I do not know what will happen to my body after I die. If they took everything out from my body then I do not know whether my soul would be able to be reincarnated. I do not like what the Americans do to the dead body at all. This is really disturbing to me. I want to die in my country so my soul can leave this planet happily [personal communication, Elder Fresno, California].

Elder Ying Yang shared what had happened to her oldest son:

My oldest son Pang died because the doctors cut his right foot off. He was very ill because his foot was swelling. He had a pain of mob taw vwm (crazy foot pain or gout). The doctors said if they do not cut his foot off then he will die. His foot was causing him too much pain. They cut his foot. He stayed in the hospital for nine days then he died. We asked the doctors to put his foot back on after he died. We do not want him to leave this planet with a missing part of his body. If we know that the doctors could not be able to save him we would not let the doctor cut his foot. Some of my sons and daughters do not want it to be cut but it is our only hope that he will live. For now on, if there is a person really sick and the doctors ask to do any surgery, make sure the doctors are certain about what they are doing before given them the permission. Sometimes, the doctors just want to have experience so everyone needs to be careful and not to fully trust the doctors. When I think about my son’s case, I wonder if his leg is not cut maybe he would not have died [personal communication, Montclair, California].

O’Connor (1995) has stated that the Mong are not confident about biomedical system views replacing their traditional views. He quoted two Mong educators, “There is a shared suspicion and fear among many Hmong that Western physicians will use Hmong patients for purposes of experimentation, or for practicing techniques actually uncalled for in their particular medical circumstances” (p. 89). The Elders indicated that the Western physician needs to understand the Mong culture and their worldview of cosmos, that illness may sometimes be caused by the spirits. This way there is no conflict between the medical and spiritual care givers. They said it is really difficult for the Mong to bring a Shaman or spiritual healer into the hospital that does not know about the Mong traditional beliefs to do their traditional spiritual healing. There are some hospitals and doctors that are beginning to allow the Mong to do their traditional spiritual healing but others still do not. Chindarsi (1976), Geddes (1976), Mottin (1980), Bliatout (1986), Lemoine (1986), Thao (1986), Symonds (1991), Cooper (1998) and Thao (2002) note that Mong traditional religious rituals play a central part of their everyday life. Therefore, Mong indigenous practices of spiritual worship are ways to protect the cause of illness and/or misfortune.

An increase of Mong conversion to Christianity brings another controversial issue to the Mong traditional religion within their community in the United States. An American, Jack Davidson (1993), has conducted a historical study of the Mong culture and its implications for the ministry. He found the influence of education is changing Mong beliefs from traditional religion to Christianity. The other reason some families converted to Christianity was because they had bad experience of the cause of sickness, misfortune and even death by the spirits. Therefore, these families believe the power of Jesus will help them to heal their problem. Davidson (1993) states:

Some Hmong are exchanging their allegiance to spirits for Jesus. Most do this as a result of a crisis experience of sickness or misfortune in which they believe they receive healing and power through the God of the Bible. Thus, conversion occurs, baptism is administered, and they begin to attend church [pp. 175‒176].

Some of the Elders expressed that converting to another religion (ntseeg luag le dlaab) is like giving up your religion, culture and tradition. It was like you divorced yourself from your cultural tradition. They referred to this as ntsauj dlaab nstauj qhua, meaning isolated, separated or divorced from your cultural roots, kinships and customs. The Elders stated that it is really difficult for both groups — the traditional religion beliefs people and the religion conversion people — to engage in a conversation about religion. Each time they have a conversation about traditional and conversion religions, the religion conversion people often criticize the people who believe the traditional religion that if they do not believe in Jesus then the only life they have after death is to go to hell. If they believe Jesus then he will take them to heaven. The people who still practice traditional religion are eating dlaab qub (spirits’ left over food or drink) and this is dirty. The Elders who still follow their traditional religion stated that the Mong who converted to Christianity should not use language that threatens the people who still keep their traditional religion. This is not the way to persuade people to convert to a different religion by saying negative things about another’s religion.

Some Elders said it is very difficult for them to practice their traditional religion because the Americans and younger Mong people do not understand Mong religion. Therefore, it always creates a conflict between them. The Mong no longer can keep up with traditional religion because of the tensions coming from the younger Mong and their surrounding American neighbors. Elder Phoua Her described:

My grandchildren keep questioning me about why we don’t go to church like their friends. I keep doing ua neeb (Shamanism) that they do not understand. We keep doing things that are not of interest to them. They do not like it. When my grandchildren asked my questions I always explained the important values of our tradition and told them I was a Shaman. I need to do what the spirits had chosen me to do: to help cure sick people. At one time I sat down with my son and we talked about what is the best way for my grandchildren in terms of keeping our traditional religion or convert to kiv cai tshab (a new religion). My son said he does not like the idea of religion conversion. He will make sure his children understand our culture and religion. If we stop practicing our tradition then his children have no exposure to our culture. He also said he does not want his dad’s spirit to ua dlaab tu caaj tug ceg, meaning has no one to worship and then this spirit becomes homeless. Also, when I died, he does not want my spirit to be like that either [personal communication, Susan City, California].

The Elders stated that sometimes people converted to another religion because they no longer know how to conduct the religious rituals. They made mistakes in their rituals. This is why the spirits caused sickness or misfortune to them. Elder Tong Yao Her explained that the reason he converted to Christianity was because he no longer knows all the family rituals. This makes it very difficult so he decided to go to church instead of keeping his traditional religion. Even though he goes to church, he is still very active in the Mong community such as attending traditional wedding, funeral and other events.

Elder Xai Dang Moua had converted to Christianity almost forty years ago. He said he no longer participates in the events that are involved with Mong traditional religion beliefs. He stated that if you want Jesus to protect and trust you, then you must not get involved in events that are associated with the coj dlaab (spiritual worship), which he referred to as the Mong traditional religion. The Elders argues that this religion conversion may work for some families but not for all families. There were many families who converted to Christianity and these families had returned to coj dlaab (ancestors’ worship). They said it does not matter whether a person is a Christian if the ancestors’ spirits lug ntshav yuav noj yuav haus (come looking for you because the ancestors’ spirits need to eat and drink), then no one can escape from them. If you do not perform rituals to make offering to the ancestors’ spirits, then the spirits will make you ill and possibly die. These ancestors’ spirits sometimes can be your grandparents, uncles or parents. Chindarsi (1976) asserts that these are the spirits of deceased family members who are demanding sacrifices of animals such as oxen to them. Elder Chong Yer Thao explained his experience of being a Christian for over 30 years and he came back to believe in his traditional religion to worship his ancestors’ spirits:

In the mid 1950s, the Christian missionary came to recruit in my village. My wife and I converted to Christianity. In the late 1980s, my wife was very ill. I prayed for God’s help, but she did not get well at all. My cousins, grandchildren and relatives who still practiced the Mong traditional religion told me to go back to my old religion. I had done everything I could to cure my wife but her illness was getting worse each day. I decided to go back to practice my old religion. I called a Shaman to cure my wife. I performed nyooj dlaab (the son performs a sacred ritual for his parents’ spirits by sacrificing a bull) and other rituals. My wife got well and she lived with me a few years. She died in 1994. I went back to being a Shaman [personal communication, Stockton, California].

Scott (1986), Bliatout, Downing, Lewis and Yang (1988), Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton (1990), Davidson (1993), Hones (1999), and Thao (1999b, 2003) state that the changes in Mong religion and tradition beliefs create a generation gap within the Mong community. The Mong children who are born and grow up in the United States are being educated in the American schools. They learn the American culture and religion. These Mong children no longer have the capacity to maintain their profound culture and religion beliefs that their parents and grandparents have. Hones (1999) describes Shou Cha’s life story that he too has to go to school part time to be educated in the American culture such as speaking, reading and writing in English and working full time in order to survive in the United States. This leaves him little time to keep up with his traditional culture. Shou Cha and his family became Christian and through church he had more chance to practice and to learn his English-language skills and teach his children in Mong literacy to promote the Mong language. Hones (1999) refers to this transition that religion is the word of literacy. However, Trueba, Jacobs and Kirton (1990) argue that a change in religion will change the Mong traditional values and this will cause more of a culture gap among the Mong younger generation. The Elders expressed that it is literacy which makes it so difficult for them to persuade their grandchildren to maintain the Mong religion and traditional. All the sacred chanting songs and secret language chants need to be recited orally in ritual ceremonies. The Elders said the younger generation has difficulty in memorizing information. They have to write everything down on paper. They cannot perform rituals by reading from the text. The spirits do not like it. Elder Xao Cheng Lee expressed his view about the literate culture:

In my oral tradition, we stored all the information in our head, not on a piece of paper or in books. The Mong children who live in this new society no longer want to memorize information. They trust the print system more than anything and this makes our children want to stop learning what is in the oral tradition. I see that as our children are becoming educated in the print culture they begin to ntsauj dlaab ntsauj nqua (divorce their culture, language, religions and customs.) I think in our future living in America, soon our children will become ntsauj dlaab nstauj qhua, ntsauj neej ntsauj tsaa, ntsauj kw ntsauj tij (disconnected to their culture, religion, language, relatives and family) [personal communication, Merced, California].

Sweeney (1987) found similar changes to Malay oral traditional values when Western patterns of print literacy were introduced to the Malaysians. He has concluded that Malaysian children who have a strong oral orientation are doing so well in Malaysian education through the knowledge they have with the oral milieu. Children who classified their knowledge in a new way such as in Western print have detached themselves from the Malaysian spoken words and they process their information in a restricted style. Then they have more difficulty connecting into the past because they have the Western thinking modes (Sweeney, 1987). According to Sweeney’s comments, if the Mong parents who live in the United States have the capacities to reinforce their children with traditional values in schools or communities, this will help Mong children to develop a greater knowledge in both the oral and print culture.

4. Summary

This chapter described the profound issues that the Mong Elders encounter in everyday living in the United States. It explained the conceptual information from schools that is deteriorating the Mong oral traditional customs, language, culture and religion values. In the Mong community they are losing their strong kinship ties, communal lifestyles and traditional religion because of the tensions built among the American general population, institutions and the Mong younger generation and Mong religion conversion group. These factors cause serious concern among the Mong Elders about conservation of their oral tradtion.

Yer J. Thao, 2006, The Mong Oral Tradition, Cultural Memory in the Absence of Written Language